Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Moderator: Capos
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Thank you for the kind words, everyone. This theory and the info is all a work in progress, so I want everyone to feel free to contribute or throw leads out if they find anything.
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I also want to make a correction. Celeste Morello / Riccobene did not say the guys from Campobello di Mazara were their own separate colony family, but that the guys from Castrogiovanni were. This is where the Riccobenes were from. Today it is the town of Enna but at the time it was called Castrogiovanni and considered part of Caltanissetta province.
I confused this because she has said before that Michele Maggio (from Campobello) may have been a leader of some kind. Campobello di Mazara had their own small colony like the Castellamarese in outlying areas but I don't know/believe there's much reason to think it was distinct. Michele Maggio's wife was from Calascibetta which is right next to Castrogiovanni, and the Maggios would later be related by marriage to Angelo Bruno, who was from Caltanissetta province, so the Campobello guys or at least Maggio may have had some affiliation with the Caltanissetta / Enna element earlier on.
- Offhand, these are confirmed Philly members from Castrogiovanni / Enna:
Giovanni Botte
Gaetano Bruno
Antonio Calio
Giuseppe Sabato Sr.
Mario Riccobene Sr.
Paul Savarese
- Morello believes Calio was high-ranking or held prestige among this group. This is supported by the fact that he was a business partner in Empire Yeast with Giuseppe Traina of NYC, who served as Philly political representative first for the capo dei capi then the Commission. This partnership lends itself to the idea that Calio was significant earlier among his compaesani. It also shows an amicable relationship with the Belmontesi, as the Scafidis and Giovanni Cappello Sr. were both partners in the Philly branch of Empire Yeast along with Calio.
- Gaetano Bruno and other men were allegedly responsible for the 1919 "revenge killing" of FNU Cancelli in response to Cancelli murdering Vincent Petruzzelli the year previous. Records confirm Petruzzelli was born in 1869 and died in 1918 but I can't confirm his hometown origin. Though he was a child at the time, Morello felt Harry Riccobene knew details about the Cancelli murder but didn't want to share them (Bruno was Harry Riccobene's next door neighbor). The name Cancelli shows up in Caltanissetta and Philadelphia but again can't confirm which one this was.
- A mutual aid society / club of Castrogiovannesi men was formed in Philadelphia in 1911. Morello provided a historic document that included a list of leaders / members (though not comprehensive in terms of membership) of this Castrogiovannesi society in Philadelphia:
Society administrators (i.e. secretary, treasurer):
Luigi Russo
Gaetano Marchiafava
Alfonso Patrenicola
Councillors:
Vincenzo Tumminelli
Vincenzo DiVenti (brother-in-law of Patrenicola)
Paolo Spalleta
Carmelo Perna
Nicola Manerchia
Sebastiano Alvano
Pietro Castro
Filippo Nicosia
Other members:
Innocenzo Rizzo (brother-in-law of Marchiafava; cousin of Nicosia)
Carmelo Perna (same one already mentioned?)
Francesco Riccobene
Filippo Scandaliato
Paolo Savarese
^ We can't immediately assume this mutual aid society / club, which was designed to help immigrants from Castrogiovanni, was dominated by mafiosi. However, we know Savarese was a mafia member and Francesco Riccobene was about ten years older than Mario Riccobene Sr., so he was likely a brother or cousin of Mario.
^ We have other examples of compaesani societies / clubs in other cities that either included mafia members or in some cases were dominated by them. The Canicatti society of Astoria, Queens, included high-ranking Mangano/Gambino figures not only as members but in leading positions within the society. The obvious example is the Elizabeth Ribera Club, a similar mutual aid compaesani society, which was completely dominated by the local mafia family. Tampa, Rockford, Pittston, Endicott, and other cities had similar compaesani clubs that had significant influence from the local mafia. Chicago's Unione Siciliano was a more general Sicilian version of this and we know it was controlled by the mafia.
- Morello only provided the document that listed the above names, but I did deeper research into these men and unsurprisingly, the above names are filled with connections:
- Luigi Russo, head secretary of the club, had his naturalization witnessed by Vincenzo Calio, the older brother of mafioso Antonino Calio.
- Vincenzo DiVentis' father Sabato was a cousin of the Calios and his immigration arrival contact was Antonino's older brother Mario. That makes society leader Alfonso Patrenicola the son-in-law of a Calio cousin via his marriage to the DiVentis. Mafia member Mario Riccobene Sr. came to the US with a Francesco DiVenti.
- Carmelo Perna and Francesco Riccobene used the same naturalization witnesses.
- Nicola Manerchia was from Capizzi in Messina province, making him the only one of the above men not from Castrogiovanni. I was able to find records for every man and all of the others were from Castrogiovanni, so it is strange Manerchia was part of this compaesani society, though Capizzi is relatively close to Enna / Caltanissetta despite being in Messina.
^ However, there is more to Manerchia's story. Mafioso and society member Paul Savarese was one of Manerchia's naturalization witnesses and Manerchia listed his late 1910s employment as a pool room owned by Paul Savarese. The Philadelphia mafia is known for its early Messinesi members, so this could point to a Messinesi element being aligned with this early Castrogiovannesi group. Manerchia was also living with a John Biondo in 1940 and Gambino leader Joe Biondo was from Messina. I suspect Manerchia to be a mafioso given he had no other reason to be a member of this Castrogiovannesi society except for his close ties to mafioso Paul Savarese. Manerchia's employment in a pool room, rather than as a hatmaker like almost all of the other men in the society, makes him stand out further.
- Sebastiano Alvano's arrival contact in Philadelphia was a cousin named Sebastiano Riccobene, brother of Francesco. Alvano also arrived with a Giuseppe Biondo from Castrogiovanni, so the man who lived with Manerchia mentioned above may have been from Castrogiovanni and not Messina like the NYC Biondos but can't confirm.
- Pietro Castro also listed his arrival contact as Mario Calio, older brother of mafioso Antonino. Castro returned from a later visit to Sicily at one with a Marcello Riccobene, not to be confused with Mario as Marcello was older. Marcello Riccobene listed his brother-in-law as Vincenzo Tumminelli, listed up above as another member of the society. Castro was also likely familiar with Mario Riccobene Sr., though, as one of Pietro Castro's naturalization witnesses was the same as Mario Riccobene Sr.'s witness, a baker named Louis Giordano.
- Innocenzo Rizzo has many confirmed relations among this group. He was brother-in-law of society leader Gaetano Marchiafeva, and a cousin to both the Nicosias and Alvanos.
- Though Gaetano Bruno isn't included on the list, society member and fellow mafioso Paul Savarese witnessed his naturalization.
- The majority of the above men were "hatters", meaning they made hats. Mario Riccobene Sr. was also in this trade following his arrival before becoming a contractor. Mafioso Paul Savarese is an exception as he was a barber and pool room owner, while Manerchia worked in Savarese's pool room. There are a couple other exceptions, but the Castrogiovannesi were overwhelming involved in hatmaking.
Given this list was from 1911, most of the above men were born in the 1870s and 1880s. As mentioned, it doesn't include all of the society members, only the leading figures and a handful of other members.
I would dare say that all of the mafioso who were part of the Castrogiovannesi colony were members of this society, but obviously not all members of the society were mafioso. Looking at similar societies around the US who had a mafia family closely adjacent to them, it wouldn't be surprising if some of the society's administrators and councillors were mafiosi themselves.
The society's connections to Paul Savarese, the Calios, and Riccobenes shows that the society was comfortable with mafiosi and relatives of mafiosi being involved with the society.
Other considerations on the Castrogiovannesi in Philadelphia:
- Morello believes this Castriogiovannesi element was ostensibly legitimate, while she says the younger Harry Riccobene was somewhat of a black sheep in his life as a career criminal. With this in mind, it makes sense that most of the Castrogiovannesi would be legitimate. It should be noted too that unlike the Belmontesi, they didn't bring their sons into the organization to our knowledge. Harry Riccobene was made without his father's knowledge and Giuseppe Sabato's son moved to Trenton where he became a DeCavalcante associate.
- I need to double check, but I recall Harry Riccobene told Morello that his father was made in Sicily and his grandfather was also a member in Sicily. This suggests there was a mafia family in Castrogiovanni or a nearby town. That would lend itself to a colony of Castrogiovannesi forming in Philadelphia. Unfortunately the Italian authorities were largely unaware of most mafia groups in Caltanissetta / Enna in the 19th and early 20th century.
- Given Riccobene recalls the the different early Philly families each had around 30 members (an estimate/guess decades later), you'd assume he was most knowledgeable of the family that included his father, compaesani, and possibly other relatives. If the Castrogiovannesi family had up to thirty members, the above names could be some of the candidates.
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I also want to make a correction. Celeste Morello / Riccobene did not say the guys from Campobello di Mazara were their own separate colony family, but that the guys from Castrogiovanni were. This is where the Riccobenes were from. Today it is the town of Enna but at the time it was called Castrogiovanni and considered part of Caltanissetta province.
I confused this because she has said before that Michele Maggio (from Campobello) may have been a leader of some kind. Campobello di Mazara had their own small colony like the Castellamarese in outlying areas but I don't know/believe there's much reason to think it was distinct. Michele Maggio's wife was from Calascibetta which is right next to Castrogiovanni, and the Maggios would later be related by marriage to Angelo Bruno, who was from Caltanissetta province, so the Campobello guys or at least Maggio may have had some affiliation with the Caltanissetta / Enna element earlier on.
- Offhand, these are confirmed Philly members from Castrogiovanni / Enna:
Giovanni Botte
Gaetano Bruno
Antonio Calio
Giuseppe Sabato Sr.
Mario Riccobene Sr.
Paul Savarese
- Morello believes Calio was high-ranking or held prestige among this group. This is supported by the fact that he was a business partner in Empire Yeast with Giuseppe Traina of NYC, who served as Philly political representative first for the capo dei capi then the Commission. This partnership lends itself to the idea that Calio was significant earlier among his compaesani. It also shows an amicable relationship with the Belmontesi, as the Scafidis and Giovanni Cappello Sr. were both partners in the Philly branch of Empire Yeast along with Calio.
- Gaetano Bruno and other men were allegedly responsible for the 1919 "revenge killing" of FNU Cancelli in response to Cancelli murdering Vincent Petruzzelli the year previous. Records confirm Petruzzelli was born in 1869 and died in 1918 but I can't confirm his hometown origin. Though he was a child at the time, Morello felt Harry Riccobene knew details about the Cancelli murder but didn't want to share them (Bruno was Harry Riccobene's next door neighbor). The name Cancelli shows up in Caltanissetta and Philadelphia but again can't confirm which one this was.
- A mutual aid society / club of Castrogiovannesi men was formed in Philadelphia in 1911. Morello provided a historic document that included a list of leaders / members (though not comprehensive in terms of membership) of this Castrogiovannesi society in Philadelphia:
Society administrators (i.e. secretary, treasurer):
Luigi Russo
Gaetano Marchiafava
Alfonso Patrenicola
Councillors:
Vincenzo Tumminelli
Vincenzo DiVenti (brother-in-law of Patrenicola)
Paolo Spalleta
Carmelo Perna
Nicola Manerchia
Sebastiano Alvano
Pietro Castro
Filippo Nicosia
Other members:
Innocenzo Rizzo (brother-in-law of Marchiafava; cousin of Nicosia)
Carmelo Perna (same one already mentioned?)
Francesco Riccobene
Filippo Scandaliato
Paolo Savarese
^ We can't immediately assume this mutual aid society / club, which was designed to help immigrants from Castrogiovanni, was dominated by mafiosi. However, we know Savarese was a mafia member and Francesco Riccobene was about ten years older than Mario Riccobene Sr., so he was likely a brother or cousin of Mario.
^ We have other examples of compaesani societies / clubs in other cities that either included mafia members or in some cases were dominated by them. The Canicatti society of Astoria, Queens, included high-ranking Mangano/Gambino figures not only as members but in leading positions within the society. The obvious example is the Elizabeth Ribera Club, a similar mutual aid compaesani society, which was completely dominated by the local mafia family. Tampa, Rockford, Pittston, Endicott, and other cities had similar compaesani clubs that had significant influence from the local mafia. Chicago's Unione Siciliano was a more general Sicilian version of this and we know it was controlled by the mafia.
- Morello only provided the document that listed the above names, but I did deeper research into these men and unsurprisingly, the above names are filled with connections:
- Luigi Russo, head secretary of the club, had his naturalization witnessed by Vincenzo Calio, the older brother of mafioso Antonino Calio.
- Vincenzo DiVentis' father Sabato was a cousin of the Calios and his immigration arrival contact was Antonino's older brother Mario. That makes society leader Alfonso Patrenicola the son-in-law of a Calio cousin via his marriage to the DiVentis. Mafia member Mario Riccobene Sr. came to the US with a Francesco DiVenti.
- Carmelo Perna and Francesco Riccobene used the same naturalization witnesses.
- Nicola Manerchia was from Capizzi in Messina province, making him the only one of the above men not from Castrogiovanni. I was able to find records for every man and all of the others were from Castrogiovanni, so it is strange Manerchia was part of this compaesani society, though Capizzi is relatively close to Enna / Caltanissetta despite being in Messina.
^ However, there is more to Manerchia's story. Mafioso and society member Paul Savarese was one of Manerchia's naturalization witnesses and Manerchia listed his late 1910s employment as a pool room owned by Paul Savarese. The Philadelphia mafia is known for its early Messinesi members, so this could point to a Messinesi element being aligned with this early Castrogiovannesi group. Manerchia was also living with a John Biondo in 1940 and Gambino leader Joe Biondo was from Messina. I suspect Manerchia to be a mafioso given he had no other reason to be a member of this Castrogiovannesi society except for his close ties to mafioso Paul Savarese. Manerchia's employment in a pool room, rather than as a hatmaker like almost all of the other men in the society, makes him stand out further.
- Sebastiano Alvano's arrival contact in Philadelphia was a cousin named Sebastiano Riccobene, brother of Francesco. Alvano also arrived with a Giuseppe Biondo from Castrogiovanni, so the man who lived with Manerchia mentioned above may have been from Castrogiovanni and not Messina like the NYC Biondos but can't confirm.
- Pietro Castro also listed his arrival contact as Mario Calio, older brother of mafioso Antonino. Castro returned from a later visit to Sicily at one with a Marcello Riccobene, not to be confused with Mario as Marcello was older. Marcello Riccobene listed his brother-in-law as Vincenzo Tumminelli, listed up above as another member of the society. Castro was also likely familiar with Mario Riccobene Sr., though, as one of Pietro Castro's naturalization witnesses was the same as Mario Riccobene Sr.'s witness, a baker named Louis Giordano.
- Innocenzo Rizzo has many confirmed relations among this group. He was brother-in-law of society leader Gaetano Marchiafeva, and a cousin to both the Nicosias and Alvanos.
- Though Gaetano Bruno isn't included on the list, society member and fellow mafioso Paul Savarese witnessed his naturalization.
- The majority of the above men were "hatters", meaning they made hats. Mario Riccobene Sr. was also in this trade following his arrival before becoming a contractor. Mafioso Paul Savarese is an exception as he was a barber and pool room owner, while Manerchia worked in Savarese's pool room. There are a couple other exceptions, but the Castrogiovannesi were overwhelming involved in hatmaking.
Given this list was from 1911, most of the above men were born in the 1870s and 1880s. As mentioned, it doesn't include all of the society members, only the leading figures and a handful of other members.
I would dare say that all of the mafioso who were part of the Castrogiovannesi colony were members of this society, but obviously not all members of the society were mafioso. Looking at similar societies around the US who had a mafia family closely adjacent to them, it wouldn't be surprising if some of the society's administrators and councillors were mafiosi themselves.
The society's connections to Paul Savarese, the Calios, and Riccobenes shows that the society was comfortable with mafiosi and relatives of mafiosi being involved with the society.
Other considerations on the Castrogiovannesi in Philadelphia:
- Morello believes this Castriogiovannesi element was ostensibly legitimate, while she says the younger Harry Riccobene was somewhat of a black sheep in his life as a career criminal. With this in mind, it makes sense that most of the Castrogiovannesi would be legitimate. It should be noted too that unlike the Belmontesi, they didn't bring their sons into the organization to our knowledge. Harry Riccobene was made without his father's knowledge and Giuseppe Sabato's son moved to Trenton where he became a DeCavalcante associate.
- I need to double check, but I recall Harry Riccobene told Morello that his father was made in Sicily and his grandfather was also a member in Sicily. This suggests there was a mafia family in Castrogiovanni or a nearby town. That would lend itself to a colony of Castrogiovannesi forming in Philadelphia. Unfortunately the Italian authorities were largely unaware of most mafia groups in Caltanissetta / Enna in the 19th and early 20th century.
- Given Riccobene recalls the the different early Philly families each had around 30 members (an estimate/guess decades later), you'd assume he was most knowledgeable of the family that included his father, compaesani, and possibly other relatives. If the Castrogiovannesi family had up to thirty members, the above names could be some of the candidates.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
This information is important to the point of this thread:
- "Avvicinati" roughly translates to someone who has "come closer" or has been "approached". Maybe one of the Sicilian experts can explain whether this is used in Sicily in equivalence to "associates" in the US or if it's used specifically to refer to recruits who is under consideration for membership. "Associate" is an outsider term that was later adopted by the organization anyway. Obviously there are more people complicit in mafia activities in a Sicilian family than the avvicinati it describes, so it doesn't seem to be used as broadly as "associate" is in the US. Either way, it is not a member but someone who operates on behalf of the organization.
- "Avvicinati" might also shed light on families like the DeCavalcantes who had an extremely small ratio of members->associates compared to NYC families. In 1989 for example, LE believed the DeCavalcantes had 50 members yet only 80 associates and other reports give a similarly small ratio. Given the Sicilian influence, they might have seen associates more like "avvicinati". The Sicilian mafia seems to see "less as more" not only with membership, but also formal association.
- Nice to see a statistical analysis of Sicilian families' membership, which have remained small by our standards. This was not because they lacked recruits, it was simply how most mafia families were set up. The Sicilian mafia evolving into the mandamento system of representation shows that the idea of placing families into a regional group with a higher level representative made sense in both Sicily in the US. In the US it made more sense to combine them into single families given that Americanization had already combined compaesani from different towns/provinces into one, while there probably would have been resistance to that idea of turning mandamenti into region-wide families in Sicily given the tradition of each town/neighborhood being its own family. The US families were already more flexible, while the Sicilian families had been cemented for generations.
- The early US mafia would have been comprised of more, smaller families like this and evolved into the larger regional and metropolitan families we think of today in response to the US environment. Most Sicilian mafiosi were from rural backgrounds and would not have thought, "I want to move to a big city where I can collect more envelopes from a giant crew of associates," but would have followed their compaesani and mafia contacts anywhere they could find a community of Sicilians with opportunities to work and exert influence.
- It also makes it less jarring when we hear that a family like New Orleans had only five members in 1968 but were still interested in adding members and keeping themselves alive in the network. Or Dallas preserving themselves over decades with a tiny family.
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Some other info from Nick Gentile:
- He describes a meeting of the "Assemblea Generale" in the mid-1920s that included "all of the Rappresentanti" (bosses). He says "capi" (bosses) arrived from all over the US with their consiglieri and about 150 total men attended the Assemblea. If this meeting was strictly limited to rappresentanti and their official consiglieri, we could divide his estimate in two, meaning there may have been 75 groups represented. Even if each family sent three or four men, we would still be looking at 50 or 37+ families, and that's assuming that every group sent the same number of members and/or had a consigliere. If by "consiglieri" he meant the entire consiglio (which often seems to have been five men), we would be looking at 25 different families, which is smaller than the confirmed number of families at the time and therefore unlikely.
^ Of course his estimate of ~150 men shouldn't be taken as fact. These kinds of numbers though are supported by Joe Bonanno's book where these high-level meetings were known to include hundreds of men. Both Gentile and Bonanno give similar estimates of these giant political meetings.
- During the Castellammarese War, Gentile says a group of "rappresentanti" (bosses) from "California and the Far West" attended a meeting, which totaled ten men. We know of three families in California and the only other family "Far West" I can think of offhand is Pueblo. That is four known bosses, so either he didn't mention that they brought other members of their families with them (like he does in the above Assemblea meeting where he specifies "capi" and "consiglieri") or there were other approximately six other colonies out west that had their own bosses.
^ This was the same meeting where Gentile says there were sixty "rappresentanti" on his side of the conflict, while there were "150 men" (not necessarily rappresentanti) on Maranzano's side.
- Something to consider about these meetings, too, is that Sicilian rappresentanti may have attended the meetings. The Sicilian mafia was still actively involved in US mafia politics and we know US mafia leaders traveled to Sicily to consult with them politically, with the Sicilians weighing in on US conflicts (Morello and Lupo's early 1920s death sentence being an example). We also know the US mafia bosses, including capo dei capi D'Aquila, were involved politically with the 1920s mafia warfare in Palermo that killed, among others, Villabate boss Giulio D'Agati. So some of these large number of rappresentanti could be accounted for by Sicilian bosses who traveled to the US to help mediate affairs.
- "Avvicinati" roughly translates to someone who has "come closer" or has been "approached". Maybe one of the Sicilian experts can explain whether this is used in Sicily in equivalence to "associates" in the US or if it's used specifically to refer to recruits who is under consideration for membership. "Associate" is an outsider term that was later adopted by the organization anyway. Obviously there are more people complicit in mafia activities in a Sicilian family than the avvicinati it describes, so it doesn't seem to be used as broadly as "associate" is in the US. Either way, it is not a member but someone who operates on behalf of the organization.
- "Avvicinati" might also shed light on families like the DeCavalcantes who had an extremely small ratio of members->associates compared to NYC families. In 1989 for example, LE believed the DeCavalcantes had 50 members yet only 80 associates and other reports give a similarly small ratio. Given the Sicilian influence, they might have seen associates more like "avvicinati". The Sicilian mafia seems to see "less as more" not only with membership, but also formal association.
- Nice to see a statistical analysis of Sicilian families' membership, which have remained small by our standards. This was not because they lacked recruits, it was simply how most mafia families were set up. The Sicilian mafia evolving into the mandamento system of representation shows that the idea of placing families into a regional group with a higher level representative made sense in both Sicily in the US. In the US it made more sense to combine them into single families given that Americanization had already combined compaesani from different towns/provinces into one, while there probably would have been resistance to that idea of turning mandamenti into region-wide families in Sicily given the tradition of each town/neighborhood being its own family. The US families were already more flexible, while the Sicilian families had been cemented for generations.
- The early US mafia would have been comprised of more, smaller families like this and evolved into the larger regional and metropolitan families we think of today in response to the US environment. Most Sicilian mafiosi were from rural backgrounds and would not have thought, "I want to move to a big city where I can collect more envelopes from a giant crew of associates," but would have followed their compaesani and mafia contacts anywhere they could find a community of Sicilians with opportunities to work and exert influence.
- It also makes it less jarring when we hear that a family like New Orleans had only five members in 1968 but were still interested in adding members and keeping themselves alive in the network. Or Dallas preserving themselves over decades with a tiny family.
--
Some other info from Nick Gentile:
- He describes a meeting of the "Assemblea Generale" in the mid-1920s that included "all of the Rappresentanti" (bosses). He says "capi" (bosses) arrived from all over the US with their consiglieri and about 150 total men attended the Assemblea. If this meeting was strictly limited to rappresentanti and their official consiglieri, we could divide his estimate in two, meaning there may have been 75 groups represented. Even if each family sent three or four men, we would still be looking at 50 or 37+ families, and that's assuming that every group sent the same number of members and/or had a consigliere. If by "consiglieri" he meant the entire consiglio (which often seems to have been five men), we would be looking at 25 different families, which is smaller than the confirmed number of families at the time and therefore unlikely.
^ Of course his estimate of ~150 men shouldn't be taken as fact. These kinds of numbers though are supported by Joe Bonanno's book where these high-level meetings were known to include hundreds of men. Both Gentile and Bonanno give similar estimates of these giant political meetings.
- During the Castellammarese War, Gentile says a group of "rappresentanti" (bosses) from "California and the Far West" attended a meeting, which totaled ten men. We know of three families in California and the only other family "Far West" I can think of offhand is Pueblo. That is four known bosses, so either he didn't mention that they brought other members of their families with them (like he does in the above Assemblea meeting where he specifies "capi" and "consiglieri") or there were other approximately six other colonies out west that had their own bosses.
^ This was the same meeting where Gentile says there were sixty "rappresentanti" on his side of the conflict, while there were "150 men" (not necessarily rappresentanti) on Maranzano's side.
- Something to consider about these meetings, too, is that Sicilian rappresentanti may have attended the meetings. The Sicilian mafia was still actively involved in US mafia politics and we know US mafia leaders traveled to Sicily to consult with them politically, with the Sicilians weighing in on US conflicts (Morello and Lupo's early 1920s death sentence being an example). We also know the US mafia bosses, including capo dei capi D'Aquila, were involved politically with the 1920s mafia warfare in Palermo that killed, among others, Villabate boss Giulio D'Agati. So some of these large number of rappresentanti could be accounted for by Sicilian bosses who traveled to the US to help mediate affairs.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Another "younger" Philly member of Castrogiovannesi heritage was Ernest Perricone. His father Giovanni came from Castrogiovanni.B. wrote: ↑Mon Sep 14, 2020 7:37 pm Other considerations on the Castrogiovannesi in Philadelphia:
- Morello believes this Castriogiovannesi element was ostensibly legitimate, while she says the younger Harry Riccobene was somewhat of a black sheep in his life as a career criminal. With this in mind, it makes sense that most of the Castrogiovannesi would be legitimate. It should be noted too that unlike the Belmontesi, they didn't bring their sons into the organization to our knowledge. Harry Riccobene was made without his father's knowledge and Giuseppe Sabato's son moved to Trenton where he became a DeCavalcante associate.
- Perricone maintained telephone contact with Harry Riccobene during Riccobene's incarceration. Riccobene initially told the FBI he didn't think Perricone was a member, though he must have known by 1969, as Perricone told Scafidi that he had discussed the family's planned induction ceremony with Riccobene. Either Riccobene didn't know of Perricone's membership when he first cooperated or he was reluctant to ID him.
- Perricone was made during the 1950s. Based on a conversation recorded by Rocco Scafidi, Perricone was already a member when Dominic Pollina was running the family, as they discuss how Perricone should have been promoted to captain instead of John Cappello Jr. Based on a comment made in this context, it sounds like Perricone was inducted shortly after Rocco Scafidi, who was made in 1950.
- Perricone allegedly came up in the organization under Felix DeTullio, a non-Sicilian, so his Castrogiovannesi heritage doesn't appear to have factored into his entry into the organization. We don't know however if DeTullio sponsored him, only that Perricone was close to DeTullio and Perricone worked for DeTullio's illegal operations.
- Ernest's name may have been derived from Enrico, like Harry Riccobene's true name, and Paul Savarese also had a son named Enrico. Seems to be a common name among the Castrogiovannesi compaesani.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Going back to Toledo, here is Bompensiero's exact statement to the FBI:
- He calls Licavoli the "LCN Boss" of Toledo prior to imprisonment, states that he had extensive gambling operations in "his territory", and that the Detroit mafia family moved in on these operations at Licavoli's expense.
I also want to reiterate something that came up in the Biaggio Bonventre thread:
Flint / Saginaw:
- Peter Misuraca told the FBI that Tony Cusenza was a high-ranking member in charge of a group that included Cusenza's two brothers and Sam Ricca as members circa 1919. Contemporary law enforcement believed the older Misuraca brothers were also connected to this group, though at least one of them came into conflict with Tony Cusenza and was murdered. Cusenza himself was murdered in 1928.
- Other figures involved with this group appear to be Biaggio Bonventre, Sam Vassallo, and Albert Guerazzi. Early Chicago member Orazio Tropea had various mafiosi around the US in his 1926 address book, including a Sam "Pisciatta" (Pisciotta?) of Flint.
- Tony Cusenza was president of a compaesani mutual benefit society comprised of men from San Vito Lo Capo, where the Cusenzas and Bonventres were from. The Cusenzas and Bonventre also had ties to Monte San Giuliano. Sam Ricca was from Mazzara del Vallo, another Trapani town. Sam Pisciotta might have come from Castellammare Del Golfo, though Pisciottas connected to Detroit came from Montelepre and I can't confirm Sam Pisciotta's exact identity. Albert Guerazzi was also from Trapani.
- At the time of his 1928 murder, a newspaper article reported that Tony Cusenza had moved from Flint to Saginaw to recruit more men for his San Vito mutual benefit society.
- A Los Angeles source with historical knowledge of Detroit described Antonino "Toddo" Ruggirello and an unnamed brother as early mafia members in Flint during the 1920s/1930s.
- A Detroit non-member source said that Toddo Ruggirello "headed one of the seven groups of Sicilians who came to this country and established themselves in Detroit." The Detroit source said Joseph Zerilli later gave control of Flint to Russell Pellegrino, while also giving control of Bay City to Sam Buffa. The informant said Pellegrino's Flint and Buffa's Bay City "operations" failed as they both lacked enough Italians to "set up an organization" that could put "fear" in their respective areas.
- Given the above informant was a non-member with limited knowledge inside the organization(s), he may not have understood the exact arrangement. We know from member sources there was a historic group of mafiosi organized in Flint and Saginaw who committed many murders in the area. Later the Detroit family maintained a presence in Flint. There was no lack of mafia members and associates in this territory in the 1910s-1930s, nor a lack of "fear". It seems more likely that this early Flint organization was unable to maintain its previous influence and independence, later being absorbed into Detroit under Zerilli.
- The Ruggirello brothers, like the Cusenzas and Biaggio Bonventre, came to Flint from San Vito Lo Capo and had ties to Monte San Giuliano. Rosario "Russell" Pellegrino was also from Monte San Giuliano. The Flint group was a colony of mafia compaesani distinct from the compaesani that formed the early Detroit family.
--
Given that Toledo may have been its own small family that was later absorbed into the Detroit regional family, Flint / Saginaw is another possibility based on its concentration of compaesani from San Vito Lo Capo, Monte San Giuliano, and other connected Trapani towns. Pete Misuraca's description of Tony Cusenza as a high-ranking member in charge of this group and his role as president of the San Vito Lo Capo society fits with what we'd expect from the "colony" style families of compaesani that formed in the early US mafia.
Another source's description of Toddo Ruggirello, compaesano of Cusenza, as "head" of one of the "seven groups of Sicilians" who established themselves in the area lends itself to the idea of colony families formed primarily of compaesani. The dominance of these Trapanesi compaesani in Flint appears to have continued until Zerilli took control of the regional Detroit family, allegedly placing another compaesano, Pellegrino, in charge before being fully absorbed by Detroit.
We can't definitively say that Flint / Saginaw was originally its own family of Trapanesi mafiosi, but there is information that lends itself to the theory and the Flint group meets all of the circumstantial considerations of an early Sicilian-American mafia family. Bompensiero's apparent reference to Toledo as an independent mafia family that was later absorbed into Detroit opens the possibility of other smaller families in the area following a similar route. Flint / Saginaw is a top candidate for one of these families.
If this speculation is accurate, we now have at least three known families near Detroit, the same number we see in Philadelphia pre-1920s and the same number we see in NYC by the early 1900s. The Chicago area also may have had at least three families through the 1920s when we factor in Chicago, Chicago Heights, and Gary, Indiana.
However, there is a reference to the Detroit area having seven initial groups of Sicilians, with at least Flint and Detroit having their own "heads". If we include the San Vitesi/San Giulianesi in Flint/Saginaw and the Terrasinesi in Toledo / Detroit, that leaves the following dominant groups of compaesani as candidates for other small colony families: Partinico, Cinisi, Balestrate, and Alcamo/Castellammare. Sam Buffa is the only confirmed member from Carini, though his appointment by Zerilli as the leader of Bay City could suggest an element of Carinesi under Buffa. Carini has played a mysterious but significant role in mafia history, producing high-ranking members in the NYC Profaci and Cleveland families, both of which had strong connections to Detroit.
Of course, it is possible Detroit simply had seven original decinas or factions, each one comprised of different compaesani, and this is close to what the Detroit family evolved into later as a regional family. Though I am hesitant to believe there were seven distinct families in the Detroit area, I do believe it is likely Detroit had multiple small families when we consider the early arrival of distinct compaesani mafia colonies in different Michigan towns. These groups would have evolved into one family through the Americanized trend toward larger regional organizations, but the initial formation of the mafia in Michigan and neighboring Ohio likely favored separate colony families.
- He calls Licavoli the "LCN Boss" of Toledo prior to imprisonment, states that he had extensive gambling operations in "his territory", and that the Detroit mafia family moved in on these operations at Licavoli's expense.
I also want to reiterate something that came up in the Biaggio Bonventre thread:
Flint / Saginaw:
- Peter Misuraca told the FBI that Tony Cusenza was a high-ranking member in charge of a group that included Cusenza's two brothers and Sam Ricca as members circa 1919. Contemporary law enforcement believed the older Misuraca brothers were also connected to this group, though at least one of them came into conflict with Tony Cusenza and was murdered. Cusenza himself was murdered in 1928.
- Other figures involved with this group appear to be Biaggio Bonventre, Sam Vassallo, and Albert Guerazzi. Early Chicago member Orazio Tropea had various mafiosi around the US in his 1926 address book, including a Sam "Pisciatta" (Pisciotta?) of Flint.
- Tony Cusenza was president of a compaesani mutual benefit society comprised of men from San Vito Lo Capo, where the Cusenzas and Bonventres were from. The Cusenzas and Bonventre also had ties to Monte San Giuliano. Sam Ricca was from Mazzara del Vallo, another Trapani town. Sam Pisciotta might have come from Castellammare Del Golfo, though Pisciottas connected to Detroit came from Montelepre and I can't confirm Sam Pisciotta's exact identity. Albert Guerazzi was also from Trapani.
- At the time of his 1928 murder, a newspaper article reported that Tony Cusenza had moved from Flint to Saginaw to recruit more men for his San Vito mutual benefit society.
- A Los Angeles source with historical knowledge of Detroit described Antonino "Toddo" Ruggirello and an unnamed brother as early mafia members in Flint during the 1920s/1930s.
- A Detroit non-member source said that Toddo Ruggirello "headed one of the seven groups of Sicilians who came to this country and established themselves in Detroit." The Detroit source said Joseph Zerilli later gave control of Flint to Russell Pellegrino, while also giving control of Bay City to Sam Buffa. The informant said Pellegrino's Flint and Buffa's Bay City "operations" failed as they both lacked enough Italians to "set up an organization" that could put "fear" in their respective areas.
- Given the above informant was a non-member with limited knowledge inside the organization(s), he may not have understood the exact arrangement. We know from member sources there was a historic group of mafiosi organized in Flint and Saginaw who committed many murders in the area. Later the Detroit family maintained a presence in Flint. There was no lack of mafia members and associates in this territory in the 1910s-1930s, nor a lack of "fear". It seems more likely that this early Flint organization was unable to maintain its previous influence and independence, later being absorbed into Detroit under Zerilli.
- The Ruggirello brothers, like the Cusenzas and Biaggio Bonventre, came to Flint from San Vito Lo Capo and had ties to Monte San Giuliano. Rosario "Russell" Pellegrino was also from Monte San Giuliano. The Flint group was a colony of mafia compaesani distinct from the compaesani that formed the early Detroit family.
--
Given that Toledo may have been its own small family that was later absorbed into the Detroit regional family, Flint / Saginaw is another possibility based on its concentration of compaesani from San Vito Lo Capo, Monte San Giuliano, and other connected Trapani towns. Pete Misuraca's description of Tony Cusenza as a high-ranking member in charge of this group and his role as president of the San Vito Lo Capo society fits with what we'd expect from the "colony" style families of compaesani that formed in the early US mafia.
Another source's description of Toddo Ruggirello, compaesano of Cusenza, as "head" of one of the "seven groups of Sicilians" who established themselves in the area lends itself to the idea of colony families formed primarily of compaesani. The dominance of these Trapanesi compaesani in Flint appears to have continued until Zerilli took control of the regional Detroit family, allegedly placing another compaesano, Pellegrino, in charge before being fully absorbed by Detroit.
We can't definitively say that Flint / Saginaw was originally its own family of Trapanesi mafiosi, but there is information that lends itself to the theory and the Flint group meets all of the circumstantial considerations of an early Sicilian-American mafia family. Bompensiero's apparent reference to Toledo as an independent mafia family that was later absorbed into Detroit opens the possibility of other smaller families in the area following a similar route. Flint / Saginaw is a top candidate for one of these families.
If this speculation is accurate, we now have at least three known families near Detroit, the same number we see in Philadelphia pre-1920s and the same number we see in NYC by the early 1900s. The Chicago area also may have had at least three families through the 1920s when we factor in Chicago, Chicago Heights, and Gary, Indiana.
However, there is a reference to the Detroit area having seven initial groups of Sicilians, with at least Flint and Detroit having their own "heads". If we include the San Vitesi/San Giulianesi in Flint/Saginaw and the Terrasinesi in Toledo / Detroit, that leaves the following dominant groups of compaesani as candidates for other small colony families: Partinico, Cinisi, Balestrate, and Alcamo/Castellammare. Sam Buffa is the only confirmed member from Carini, though his appointment by Zerilli as the leader of Bay City could suggest an element of Carinesi under Buffa. Carini has played a mysterious but significant role in mafia history, producing high-ranking members in the NYC Profaci and Cleveland families, both of which had strong connections to Detroit.
Of course, it is possible Detroit simply had seven original decinas or factions, each one comprised of different compaesani, and this is close to what the Detroit family evolved into later as a regional family. Though I am hesitant to believe there were seven distinct families in the Detroit area, I do believe it is likely Detroit had multiple small families when we consider the early arrival of distinct compaesani mafia colonies in different Michigan towns. These groups would have evolved into one family through the Americanized trend toward larger regional organizations, but the initial formation of the mafia in Michigan and neighboring Ohio likely favored separate colony families.
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- Straightened out
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Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
To B: GREAT RESEARCH AND POSTINGS!!!! I have to read a little at a time to mentally digest all the facts you have presented.
One small note. Am I the first poster on this thread to acknowledge this:
"Today there is of course the Antifa Crime Family in Portland. They are very active but have weak leadership, no Sicilian bloodlines, and unlike modern Buffalo aren't recognized by the NYC Commission. They are noted for their extensive corruption in local politics, including the mayor's office."
Tongue-in-cheek, of course. But I believe it presents some insight into "B".
Once again, I enjoyed -- and continue to enjoy -- this subject matter very much.
Regards,
BeatiPaoli
One small note. Am I the first poster on this thread to acknowledge this:
"Today there is of course the Antifa Crime Family in Portland. They are very active but have weak leadership, no Sicilian bloodlines, and unlike modern Buffalo aren't recognized by the NYC Commission. They are noted for their extensive corruption in local politics, including the mayor's office."
Tongue-in-cheek, of course. But I believe it presents some insight into "B".
Once again, I enjoyed -- and continue to enjoy -- this subject matter very much.
Regards,
BeatiPaoli
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Haha, thank you. If anyone finds any insight into me, please let me know. I'm often at a loss myself.
More coming in this thread. I appreciate anyone who finds it interesting.
More coming in this thread. I appreciate anyone who finds it interesting.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
B. These posts are so informative and well researched. Thanks and keep them coming!
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Great post, thanks for doing all of this research!
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Just a quick note, but Joe Bonanno says in his memoir notes (obtained by the FBI) that 500 "bosses" met at the end of the Castellammarese War. There is no way the US had 500 families, but even if he is exaggerating and including multiple leaders from each family, it nonetheless gives the impression there were many more families in the US leading up to 1931.
He says in these notes that Maranzano made Al Capone the "sole boss" of Chicago. He also says Maranzano ensured peace in Chicago by making Capone "official boss of all Chicago". This wording lends itself to the existence of multiple families in the Chicago area before 1931, which we have confirmed with Chicago Heights, but it could lend itself to other groups (i.e. Gary) also existing and being absorbed.
He says in these notes that Maranzano made Al Capone the "sole boss" of Chicago. He also says Maranzano ensured peace in Chicago by making Capone "official boss of all Chicago". This wording lends itself to the existence of multiple families in the Chicago area before 1931, which we have confirmed with Chicago Heights, but it could lend itself to other groups (i.e. Gary) also existing and being absorbed.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
There werent only Italian groups in Chicago during those days and also there were separate Italian clans which probably tried to stay independent to an extent or had to chose sides...and yeah, Capone became the top boss of all groups (the ones which accepted alliance), both Italian and non-Italian and probably divided Chicago on four main areas (north, west, south and all southern suburbs including northwest Indiana) under the jurisdiction of one top admin. He created some type of monolithic organization by forcing every ethnic group under one dominant "culture" (mainly Italian) and gave them power more than the usual. When Capone went to jail, everything remained peaceful, meaning there was no power play, no conflicts and the throne was peacefully given to Ricca. This means that everyone respected Capone and his word, and as a matter of fact, the remaining old Italians and non-Italians were the only ones who gave money to the Capone family after Al's death for more than a decade or until the younger generation took over. I think Bonanno gave a good definition when he said Capone became "official boss of all Chicago".
Do not be deceived, neither the sexually immoral, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor men who practice homosexuality, nor thieves, nor the greedy, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor swindlers will inherit the kingdom of God - Corinthians 6:9-10
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Norristown
Rosario Montalbano
Via Celeste Morello's interview with her alleged mafioso uncle in Norristown:
- All of Morello's attempts to steer the conversation with Montalbano directly toward the mafia were politely evaded by Montalbano and he spoke in generalities about those aspects of his life.
- Celeste Morello's uncle Rosario Montalbano left Sciacca in 1923 after he learned that he may have been on a list of individuals suspected of mafia involvement by the Mussolini government. Montalbano's father told him he would likely never see him again when he left for the US. Montalbano spent three years living on Mott street on the Lower East Side and then Brooklyn, but refused to elaborate or explain anything about his years in NYC or involvement there. Morello suspected Montalbano was inducted into the mafia in NYC. After NYC his final destination was Norristown, where he married a first cousin.
- The Montalbanos owned extensive land in Sciacca and were well-off, though they were farmers. Rosario told Morello that his father carried a gun in Sciacca, while Rosario proudly carried two guns on him. He felt that because the Schiacchitani carried guns rather than knives, it made them superior. Interestingly, Montalbano was in favor of Mussolini cracking down on non-mafia "gangsters" and criminals but his attitude appears to have been different concerning mafiosi. Morello says Harry Riccobene had a similar attitude toward Mussolini's actions in 1920s Sicily.
- The Montalbanos were intermarried with the Morellos from Sciacca. Morello says she had relation to mafia figures from Monreale as well as Sciacca but not sure where Monreale fits in. Harry Riccobene told her he was familiar with some of her mafiosi relatives but that they were part of "North Jersey", though he didn't specify which family. I wonder if he was just humoring her or if he had actually heard of her relatives?
- If Riccobene really did know of Morello's relatives, did he mean that her Norristown relatives were part of "North Jersey", or did he mean that he knew some other mafia relatives of hers in North Jersey, separate from Norristown? I don't mean to go out too far on a limb, but could the remaining Norristown mafiosi been assigned to the DeCavalcantes? I still think the D'Aquila/Gambino family would be the most obvious landing spot but given what a mystery the DeCavalcantes and Norristown both are, it is worth considering what Riccobene meant if he was telling her the truth.
Maria SS Society
- Norristown had a prominent Sciacchitani mutual aid society, the Maria SS Society, which Morello believes was operated by mafiosi who presented themselves as upstanding community members.
- She says the mafiosi in Norristown were called the "Chief Businessmen".
- Taking a look at the founding leaders of the Maria SS, here are some notes:
- Filippo Catagnano's mother was an Indelicato.
- Matteo Baldassano came to the US with an Indelicato.
- Michele Marinello, married to a Termini (see further below)
- Indelicato is a common name in Sciacca, so doesn't necessarily indicate a mafia relation, but as we know Indelicatos from Sciacca were prominent early members of the Gambino family and as Morello implies about her uncle, the Norristown Sciacchitani had close ties to Lower Manhattan and Brooklyn. We know from Gentile that the Sciacchitani (which included men from Sciacca and other nearby Agrigento towns) were a closely-intertwined network all over the US so if there were mafiosi from Sciacca in Norristown it is no doubt they knew their compaesani in NYC and elsewhere.
Norristown Black Hand extortion/kidnapping 1930
- The victim was Ignazio Arena, grandson of a Norristown manufacturer.
Kidnappers:
- Frank Filippone, 33
- Charles Termini, ~36
- Tony Crapatto, 28
- Police believed there was an unidentified fourth man who went into hiding and that the men were working with a "Black Hand" group in NYC.
- The victim's family came to Norristown from Sciacca. Ignazio Arena, grandfather of the victim, owned the manufacturing plant with his son Samuel where kidnapper Frank Filippone claims to have previously worked.
- Crapatto had been a boxer in Brooklyn before moving to Norristown. An Antonio Crapotta of the same age came to the US from Partanna, Trapani, in 1920, headed to a brother in Akron, Ohio. He arrived with a Vincenzo Chiaramonte, also from Partanna, who was heading to Williamsburg, Brooklyn. If this is the same Crapatto/Crapotta, it could explain his ties to Brooklyn and would suggest if he had mafia ties there, it was to the Schiro group in Williamsburg, who had members from Partanna and nearby towns. Can't confirm 100%.
- Frank Filippone had only recently moved to Norristown, like Crapatto. Filippone was from Geraci Siculo in Palermo province and arrived from Sicily to Rochester, NYC. All but one of his children were born in "New York", suggesting he was living in Rochester prior to Norristown unless he moved to NYC or another NY city in the interim. His 1930 census record shows he lived in a Norristown neighborhood dominated by immigrants from Sciacca . His employer Arena was a Sciacchitano.
- Unlike the other two men, Charles Termini was the only one of the trio from Sciacca and he was well-established as a barber in Norristown. Records show that the Terminis were related to other significant names in the local Sciacchitani community, like Michele Marinello who was one of the founders of the local Maria SS club.
- Termini's involvement in the kidnapping shows that Crapatto and Filippone were not simply outsiders preying on Sciacchitani businessmen, but that there was a degree of involvement or endorsement from within the established Sciacchitani community, at least as much as Termini represented it. Termini's role as driver could be interpreted as approval from the established Sciacchitani criminal element for the two newly-arrived Sicilians to carry out the kidnapping.
- It is typical of mafia crime to prey upon compaesani, so it is not surprising that a Sciacchitano (Termini) would prey upon another Sciacchitano (Arena). It also doesn't rule out the victim's grandfather Ignazio Arena from being a mafioso, as there are examples in other cities of Black Hand extortions of mafia members/leaders. No way to know the specifics of these relationships.
- Unfortunately there is no information about the fourth man that absconded and whether he was an established Norristown Sciacchitano like Termini or a newcomer from another Sicilian town like the other men. The possible presence of men from Partanna and eastern Palermo province in an alleged "Black Hand" crime, plus ties to Philadelphia and New York, suggests that the Norristown mafia may have involved figures from other towns aside from Sciacca.
- Investigation revealed that the kidnappers had ties to Brooklyn and were believed to be planning on taking the kidnap victim first to Philadelphia, then Brooklyn. This is the only reference I've seen indicating a connection between Norristown organized crime and Philadelphia. If it's true one of the kidnappers was from Partanna, he may have known Philadelphia mafiosi from nearby Campobello di Mazara. Given the possible Williamsburg connection, too, they may have had a connection to the Castellammarese of Philadelphia. Speculation, but we know these types of relationships were pivotal in mafia networks from city to city.
- Termini claimed he had loaned his car to an "American" to explain why it was used in the kidnapping. Referring to someone as an "American" indicates Termini was part of a heavy Sicilian immigrant community that maintained its distinct identity. The mafia thrived in these types of colonies.
- Filippone confessed to the kidnapping and claimed Arena's father had been his former employer and that he (Filippone) committed the kidnapping in retaliation for losing his job.
- Filippone was convicted and sentenced to 25 to 50 years in prison for the kidnapping. As of the 1940 census, Filippone was in prison in Montgomery county and his sentence was not commuted until 1954.
- It's not clear if Termini and Crapatto were tried, convicted, served similarly severe sentences, or did any time at all. It's possible Filippone made his confession and crafted his story to shift blame away from his co-conspirators. His story of a retaliatory kidnapping doesn't fit the evidence, which shows a far-reaching conspiracy involving a criminal network in Philadelphia and NYC.
1950 Gambling Bust
- In 1950, a gambling raid on the Maria SS Society in Norristown resulted in the arrests of club president Anthony Greco, 49, club secretary Benjamin Raguso, 26, and club bartender Rosario "Russell" Montalbano, 44. Gambling charges for the three men resulted from slot machines found in the Maria SS Society club.
- This Rosario Montalbano is one and the same with Celeste Morello's uncle. She never mentions this arrest herself so not sure she's even aware of it. While this gambling bust doesn't appear to be anything extraordinary, it adds to her claims that Montalbano was a mafioso. That the operation was done through the Sciacchitani Maria SS club adds to her idea that this club was the backbone of the old Norristown mafia.
- Benjamin Raguso is too young to have been part of an earlier mafia element, but both Greco and Montalbano could very well have been the last barely-burning embers of some earlier mafia group. As explained in the original post, whatever may have existed in Norristown was likely minimal, having few members as was the custom of Sicilian mafia families.
---
Normally I'm skeptical when someone not only makes a bold claim but also personally connects themselves to the claim. I try to be skeptical, but not cynical. Celeste Morello suggests there was a Norristown mafia group and that her uncle, who she personally knew, was a mafia member.
I don't shy away from my criticisms of Morello. She leans too hard on the narrative that Sicilian mafia members were non-criminal (which I partly agree with), she is so emotionally invested in her work that she attacks other researchers for so much as mentioning Philadelphia, and she claims the Bufalino family never existed (while suggesting there was a family in Endicott). She's the only researcher I know of who has talked about a murderous mafioso's "big brown eyes".
That said, she is a phenomenal researcher and she has found many incredible details through her thorough and aggressive (in a good way) research. Our knowledge of the mafia has been expanded because of Morello, so beyond the criticism I respect her immensely. In this case, she gave a personal anecdote but she also gave us a name and other obscure info about Norristown's Sciacchitani.
I think she's onto something with Norristown. We don't have much and I wouldn't dare say the above evidence I posted is proof of a "Norristown Crime Family", as most people would understand it. What's clear is that the connections were there and so was the environment, which were the most important factors in establishing a mafia colony.
Rosario Montalbano
Via Celeste Morello's interview with her alleged mafioso uncle in Norristown:
- All of Morello's attempts to steer the conversation with Montalbano directly toward the mafia were politely evaded by Montalbano and he spoke in generalities about those aspects of his life.
- Celeste Morello's uncle Rosario Montalbano left Sciacca in 1923 after he learned that he may have been on a list of individuals suspected of mafia involvement by the Mussolini government. Montalbano's father told him he would likely never see him again when he left for the US. Montalbano spent three years living on Mott street on the Lower East Side and then Brooklyn, but refused to elaborate or explain anything about his years in NYC or involvement there. Morello suspected Montalbano was inducted into the mafia in NYC. After NYC his final destination was Norristown, where he married a first cousin.
- The Montalbanos owned extensive land in Sciacca and were well-off, though they were farmers. Rosario told Morello that his father carried a gun in Sciacca, while Rosario proudly carried two guns on him. He felt that because the Schiacchitani carried guns rather than knives, it made them superior. Interestingly, Montalbano was in favor of Mussolini cracking down on non-mafia "gangsters" and criminals but his attitude appears to have been different concerning mafiosi. Morello says Harry Riccobene had a similar attitude toward Mussolini's actions in 1920s Sicily.
- The Montalbanos were intermarried with the Morellos from Sciacca. Morello says she had relation to mafia figures from Monreale as well as Sciacca but not sure where Monreale fits in. Harry Riccobene told her he was familiar with some of her mafiosi relatives but that they were part of "North Jersey", though he didn't specify which family. I wonder if he was just humoring her or if he had actually heard of her relatives?
- If Riccobene really did know of Morello's relatives, did he mean that her Norristown relatives were part of "North Jersey", or did he mean that he knew some other mafia relatives of hers in North Jersey, separate from Norristown? I don't mean to go out too far on a limb, but could the remaining Norristown mafiosi been assigned to the DeCavalcantes? I still think the D'Aquila/Gambino family would be the most obvious landing spot but given what a mystery the DeCavalcantes and Norristown both are, it is worth considering what Riccobene meant if he was telling her the truth.
Maria SS Society
- Norristown had a prominent Sciacchitani mutual aid society, the Maria SS Society, which Morello believes was operated by mafiosi who presented themselves as upstanding community members.
- She says the mafiosi in Norristown were called the "Chief Businessmen".
- Taking a look at the founding leaders of the Maria SS, here are some notes:
- Filippo Catagnano's mother was an Indelicato.
- Matteo Baldassano came to the US with an Indelicato.
- Michele Marinello, married to a Termini (see further below)
- Indelicato is a common name in Sciacca, so doesn't necessarily indicate a mafia relation, but as we know Indelicatos from Sciacca were prominent early members of the Gambino family and as Morello implies about her uncle, the Norristown Sciacchitani had close ties to Lower Manhattan and Brooklyn. We know from Gentile that the Sciacchitani (which included men from Sciacca and other nearby Agrigento towns) were a closely-intertwined network all over the US so if there were mafiosi from Sciacca in Norristown it is no doubt they knew their compaesani in NYC and elsewhere.
Norristown Black Hand extortion/kidnapping 1930
- The victim was Ignazio Arena, grandson of a Norristown manufacturer.
Kidnappers:
- Frank Filippone, 33
- Charles Termini, ~36
- Tony Crapatto, 28
- Police believed there was an unidentified fourth man who went into hiding and that the men were working with a "Black Hand" group in NYC.
- The victim's family came to Norristown from Sciacca. Ignazio Arena, grandfather of the victim, owned the manufacturing plant with his son Samuel where kidnapper Frank Filippone claims to have previously worked.
- Crapatto had been a boxer in Brooklyn before moving to Norristown. An Antonio Crapotta of the same age came to the US from Partanna, Trapani, in 1920, headed to a brother in Akron, Ohio. He arrived with a Vincenzo Chiaramonte, also from Partanna, who was heading to Williamsburg, Brooklyn. If this is the same Crapatto/Crapotta, it could explain his ties to Brooklyn and would suggest if he had mafia ties there, it was to the Schiro group in Williamsburg, who had members from Partanna and nearby towns. Can't confirm 100%.
- Frank Filippone had only recently moved to Norristown, like Crapatto. Filippone was from Geraci Siculo in Palermo province and arrived from Sicily to Rochester, NYC. All but one of his children were born in "New York", suggesting he was living in Rochester prior to Norristown unless he moved to NYC or another NY city in the interim. His 1930 census record shows he lived in a Norristown neighborhood dominated by immigrants from Sciacca . His employer Arena was a Sciacchitano.
- Unlike the other two men, Charles Termini was the only one of the trio from Sciacca and he was well-established as a barber in Norristown. Records show that the Terminis were related to other significant names in the local Sciacchitani community, like Michele Marinello who was one of the founders of the local Maria SS club.
- Termini's involvement in the kidnapping shows that Crapatto and Filippone were not simply outsiders preying on Sciacchitani businessmen, but that there was a degree of involvement or endorsement from within the established Sciacchitani community, at least as much as Termini represented it. Termini's role as driver could be interpreted as approval from the established Sciacchitani criminal element for the two newly-arrived Sicilians to carry out the kidnapping.
- It is typical of mafia crime to prey upon compaesani, so it is not surprising that a Sciacchitano (Termini) would prey upon another Sciacchitano (Arena). It also doesn't rule out the victim's grandfather Ignazio Arena from being a mafioso, as there are examples in other cities of Black Hand extortions of mafia members/leaders. No way to know the specifics of these relationships.
- Unfortunately there is no information about the fourth man that absconded and whether he was an established Norristown Sciacchitano like Termini or a newcomer from another Sicilian town like the other men. The possible presence of men from Partanna and eastern Palermo province in an alleged "Black Hand" crime, plus ties to Philadelphia and New York, suggests that the Norristown mafia may have involved figures from other towns aside from Sciacca.
- Investigation revealed that the kidnappers had ties to Brooklyn and were believed to be planning on taking the kidnap victim first to Philadelphia, then Brooklyn. This is the only reference I've seen indicating a connection between Norristown organized crime and Philadelphia. If it's true one of the kidnappers was from Partanna, he may have known Philadelphia mafiosi from nearby Campobello di Mazara. Given the possible Williamsburg connection, too, they may have had a connection to the Castellammarese of Philadelphia. Speculation, but we know these types of relationships were pivotal in mafia networks from city to city.
- Termini claimed he had loaned his car to an "American" to explain why it was used in the kidnapping. Referring to someone as an "American" indicates Termini was part of a heavy Sicilian immigrant community that maintained its distinct identity. The mafia thrived in these types of colonies.
- Filippone confessed to the kidnapping and claimed Arena's father had been his former employer and that he (Filippone) committed the kidnapping in retaliation for losing his job.
- Filippone was convicted and sentenced to 25 to 50 years in prison for the kidnapping. As of the 1940 census, Filippone was in prison in Montgomery county and his sentence was not commuted until 1954.
- It's not clear if Termini and Crapatto were tried, convicted, served similarly severe sentences, or did any time at all. It's possible Filippone made his confession and crafted his story to shift blame away from his co-conspirators. His story of a retaliatory kidnapping doesn't fit the evidence, which shows a far-reaching conspiracy involving a criminal network in Philadelphia and NYC.
1950 Gambling Bust
- In 1950, a gambling raid on the Maria SS Society in Norristown resulted in the arrests of club president Anthony Greco, 49, club secretary Benjamin Raguso, 26, and club bartender Rosario "Russell" Montalbano, 44. Gambling charges for the three men resulted from slot machines found in the Maria SS Society club.
- This Rosario Montalbano is one and the same with Celeste Morello's uncle. She never mentions this arrest herself so not sure she's even aware of it. While this gambling bust doesn't appear to be anything extraordinary, it adds to her claims that Montalbano was a mafioso. That the operation was done through the Sciacchitani Maria SS club adds to her idea that this club was the backbone of the old Norristown mafia.
- Benjamin Raguso is too young to have been part of an earlier mafia element, but both Greco and Montalbano could very well have been the last barely-burning embers of some earlier mafia group. As explained in the original post, whatever may have existed in Norristown was likely minimal, having few members as was the custom of Sicilian mafia families.
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Normally I'm skeptical when someone not only makes a bold claim but also personally connects themselves to the claim. I try to be skeptical, but not cynical. Celeste Morello suggests there was a Norristown mafia group and that her uncle, who she personally knew, was a mafia member.
I don't shy away from my criticisms of Morello. She leans too hard on the narrative that Sicilian mafia members were non-criminal (which I partly agree with), she is so emotionally invested in her work that she attacks other researchers for so much as mentioning Philadelphia, and she claims the Bufalino family never existed (while suggesting there was a family in Endicott). She's the only researcher I know of who has talked about a murderous mafioso's "big brown eyes".
That said, she is a phenomenal researcher and she has found many incredible details through her thorough and aggressive (in a good way) research. Our knowledge of the mafia has been expanded because of Morello, so beyond the criticism I respect her immensely. In this case, she gave a personal anecdote but she also gave us a name and other obscure info about Norristown's Sciacchitani.
I think she's onto something with Norristown. We don't have much and I wouldn't dare say the above evidence I posted is proof of a "Norristown Crime Family", as most people would understand it. What's clear is that the connections were there and so was the environment, which were the most important factors in establishing a mafia colony.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Some interesting comments from a later interview with Harry Riccobene.B. wrote: ↑Sat Sep 12, 2020 2:16 am Philadelphia / South Jersey
- This statement comes from Philadelphia CI Harry Riccobene. In Celeste Morello's extensive interviews with Riccobene decades later, he made reference to this again and his info led her to conclude that there were three families sometime before Salvatore Sabella was installed as boss by D'Aquila (via Joe Traina). She states that these families were divided by compaesani, with separate families made up primarily of men from Belmonte Mezzagno, Caccamo, and Castrogiovanni (Enna). Riccobene gave her the name of the Caccamese boss, who would not have been known otherwise.
- Harry Riccobene was made in 1927, his father was made in Sicily, and he knew many men who were members prior to 1919/1920, when Sabella became boss. He was recalling the set-up before he was made so some of the details may have been lost on him, but he was in a position to have heard about it from older members.
- Riccobene's reference to each family having ~30 members is interesting. It would likely rule out the possibility that each family was purely compaesani, for one, but the groups still could have been dominated by each of the aforementioned compaesani groups. Three families totaling 90 would also match up with the general size of the Philadelphia family at its peak, though the ~90 members we know of later include a large number of non-Sicilians. We shouldn't necessarily take these estimates too seriously given he was not a member during the time he's referring to.
- This could explain why CI Rocco Scafidi believed Sabella was the first boss of the organization, as he may have been the first boss of the regional Philadelphia-South Jersey family formed by combining these smaller families of paesani. 1919/1920 may have also been when non-Sicilians were first allowed into the group, as Scafidi believed some of the prominent Calabrians and Abruzzesi were members around the time Sabella became boss.
- Rocco Scafidi also made an interesting mistake related to NYC, but is worth sharing in this context. He told the FBI that he believed "one-half" of the Genovese family was "formerly the family of Frank Costello." While this is a ridiculous mistake when taken at face value, it could indicate that to a second-generation Philadelphia member, whose older relatives were early members of the Philly family, the idea of a family being merged from multiple families was not an entirely foreign idea.
- The Philadelphia family maintained divided factions in later decades, though it was between Sicilians and Calabrians rather than within the Sicilians. Though they associated with the Sicilians, the Calabrian faction was said by informants to operate almost autonomously within the organization under consigliere Joe Rugnetta, who we know was a near-equal of Angelo Bruno in terms of administrative power. On his office bug, Angelo Bruno even referred to Rugnetta as the Calabrian "rappresentante", a term typically synonymous with boss. Though this divided arrangement was informal, it could suggest there was precedent for Philadelphia to have groups operating autonomously with their own "rappresentante".
- Philadelphia was not the port city that NYC was, nor was it equal in size or underworld opportunity. While New York City could sustain separate mafia families, it may have made more sense in terms of sustainability for Philadelphia to merge its separate families into one core family spread out over the Philadelphia-South Jersey territory. Something similar played out in the Chicago area.
On early US families:
They "headed small families from their particular town or region. Western Sicily had their tradition and eastern Sicily had their own," recalled Riccobene. "It was very provincial."
Philadelphia boss history:
The first boss, he said, was in the late-1800s and there were others after him. He couldn't remember their names.
Inducting other Sicilians and non-Sicilians:
After the war, Avena opened Mafia membership to Sicilians "from different parts of Sicily" instead of only the boss's village. Though immigrants from Italy were eligible under new mob rules, none were chosen.
In other parts, he seems to suggest non-Sicilians weren't made until later. This conflicts with other sources who said a number of the prominent non-Sicilians were made by the 1920s, but Riccobene was a made member back then so his word has weight.
This also makes three separate interviews spanning decades where Riccobene mentions there being more small families, and as he says in this interview they were based along compaesani lines.
Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Interesting! That seems to line up with what we’ve seen with smaller families like St Louis, where the leadership was all from a few small towns in or near Palermo. And there was almost a separation between Sicilians from those towns and those from other parts of the island.
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Re: Evolution of US Mafia Families + More Families Discussion
Yes, early on it seems like the men from Cinisi/Terrasini area served as something like an aristocracy for the mafia in STL and Detroit, similar to CDG in that certain towns seem to have had an elevated status among US mafia networks. In Chicago and Milwaukee, OTOH, early leaders were from Eastern Palermo (Termini Imerese and Bagheria), though later Chicago had a number of influential members from Agrigento as well. Rockford also was heavily Agrigentesi (Aragona).stubbs wrote: ↑Tue Jul 27, 2021 10:51 am Interesting! That seems to line up with what we’ve seen with smaller families like St Louis, where the leadership was all from a few small towns in or near Palermo. And there was almost a separation between Sicilians from those towns and those from other parts of the island.
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