The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

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The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by chin_gigante »

A breakdown of the 14 months leading up to the shooting of Joseph Colombo, mostly framed around his involvement in the Italian American Civil Rights League. Included in this is a small breakdown of Colombo's involvement behind-the-scenes of The Godfather (1972) as well as a breakdown of the immediate aftermath of his shooting and some suspects

  • Gregory Scarpa was told to assemble his crew and meet with Joseph Colombo on 29 April 1970
  • Colombo was furious that his son, Joseph Jr, had been arrested for melting down silver coins (along with Joseph Iannaci and Colombo captain Rocco Miraglia), insisting that he had been framed by the FBI
  • An individual close to Colombo (who handled Colombo’s catering business) proposed picketing the FBI with the help from the Americans of Italian Descent (AID)
  • Recently promoted captain Nicholas Bianco was disgusted at this plan of action but went along with it to placate Colombo
  • The group made their way to the New York office and began protesting until 1 a.m.
  • The picket resumed the next day, with Colombo making plans to demonstrate outside the US Courthouse in Brooklyn
  • Scarpa initially believed that this plan would make Colombo the laughingstock of Brooklyn, with other sources adding that his actions would get him in trouble with other LCN figures in New York
  • On 11 May 1970, an attempt was made to picket Newsday but only seven or eight individuals showed up; Colombo intended to picket all the papers in New York for their lack of coverage of the demonstration outside the FBI office
  • Later that day, Scarpa was told to send a bus load of picketers to the New York office
  • Colombo intended to ramp up the picketing for the next three weeks until he could plan a large-scale march from City Hall to the FBI office
  • On 18 May 1970, Scarpa advised that all members of the Colombo family were disgusted with their boss’ actions
  • Colombo had been approached by various labour leaders and intended to organise a mass strike so workers could join the picket
  • Colombo particularly wanted to force the FBI to fire agents he perceived as harassing his family
  • Colombo made deals with the Sons of Italy and other groups that, if the American Civil Liberties Union found proof of FBI harassment, those groups would rally around Colombo
  • Colombo was keeping track of individuals who attended the pickets and was upset with those who did not attend regularly
  • At one picket, Anthony Augello falsely claimed that an FBI agent had assaulted him; Colombo took Augello aside and chastised him, saying that if he wanted to stage an incident, he would do it with photographers stationed nearby
  • The demonstrations began costing Colombo money, as he had to discontinue one of his food trucks
  • After eight weeks of picketing, the demonstration came to a climax with a rally at Columbus Circle on 29 June 1970
  • Scarpa estimated that 75,000 to 80,000 people attended the rally, and he personally oversaw the attendance of 100 individuals (Colombo estimated that 200,000 people attended, whereas law enforcement estimated the number was 40,000)
  • Colombo gave strict orders for attendees to maintain order; as a result, Scarpa had to admonish and restrain younger troublemakers from East Harlem on several occasions (despite these efforts some police officers were stabbed at the rally)
  • After this rally, many members of the Colombo family initially disgusted at the demonstration began to come around to the idea
  • Scarpa believed that the case against Joseph Jr was the main reason for the demonstrations, and that Colombo would endure another two or three months of heat if it meant making the charges disappear
  • Colombo’s next step was to mass petition congressmen, threaten to march on Washington and open Italian American Civil Rights League (IACRL) branches throughout the country (with the branches organised by the LCN element across the US)
  • All of Colombo’s associates were given a quota of dues paying members to enlist in the IACRL as part of a mass-membership drive
  • Colombo expected to recoup IACRL expenses through donations and the sale of Italian paraphernalia
  • Colombo had an office at the Sheraton Hotel, where he kept records including petitions, statements and affidavits and damaging photographs of FBI agents
  • Scarpa advised that Colombo had the blessing of Carlo Gambino and the other families throughout the eight weeks of picketing, and that some of the other families had sent their own men to the demonstration
  • The IACRL, however, belonged to Colombo and he did not need to meet regularly with his own captains or representatives from other families regarding the league’s operations
  • At a gathering at a funeral parlour, Colombo advised that family members who did not support the demonstration were to be considered enemies, and he had a great memory for those who attended the pickets
  • Scarpa noted, however, that it was possible that certain high-ranking family figures such as Vincent Aloi, Joseph Yacovelli and Carmine Persico were excluded from this rule
  • Persico did not attend the picketing but made a few trips to the IACRL office at the Sheraton Hotel and helped prepare Columbus Circle the night before the climactic rally there
  • Charles Mineo attended the picketing one night, and Nicholas Forlano attended on two occasions
  • Funzie D’Ambrosio started attending the picketing towards the end of the eight weeks, bringing bus loads of other picketers with him
  • Nicholas Bianco and Rocco Miraglia were other frequent attenders at the pickets
  • Anthony Abbatemarco had not attended the picketing
  • Scarpa advised that, as he saw it, no-one posed a threat to Colombo’s leadership at that time, and he would prefer Colombo staying on as boss than the position going to Yacovelli, Persico or Forlano (though he also considered Nicholas Bianco the best potential boss and Vincent Aloi a competent contender, despite his lack of ambition for the role)
  • On 21 July 1970, Attorney General John N Mitchell ordered federal officials not to use the word ‘Mafia’ in public statements regarding members of LCN
  • Colombo felt vindicated by the Attorney General’s memo and what he (Colombo) perceived as The New York Times backing down on the use of the word ‘Mafia’, though he was confused by the FBI’s resilience to the demonstration
  • On 26 August 1970, Scarpa advised that Colombo was outraged at a recent New York Daily News article on the arrest of a high ranking LCN member and considered picketing their office [this could possibly be a reference to the August 1970 arrests of Gambino members James ‘Mike Pinetti’ Pignetti and Frank Mocardi on gambling charges]
  • On 09 October 1970, Scarpa advised that the IACRL had received almost $500,000 in donations and members’ dues, and this money was possibly deposited in the Lafayette National Bank on 13th Avenue (many of Colombo’s associates used the manager of this bank to handle their financial matters)
  • In October 1970, the IACRL picketed in Corona, Queens, for a group of Italian residents who had been moved to make way for a housing project (Colombo told Scarpa this picket was unrelated to organised crime and designed to counter the stigma attached to the IACRL)
  • On 09 November 1970, Scarpa advised that he had attended a meeting with Bianco and Colombo where both men complained about the sustained FBI heat on their operations, and Colombo told Bianco and Scarpa to gather damaging information on FBI agents from their crew members, friends, relatives and neighbours in the hope that it would cause them to back off
  • On 13 November 1970, Scarpa advised that Colombo had recently been in contact with Anthony ‘Shorty’ Spero and requested he sign an affidavit alleging harassment from FBI agents; Spero, who was already in legal trouble, declined as he did not want to risk being summoned before a Grand Jury and charged with perjury (Colombo then contacted Scarpa and told him to inform his crew that Spero was to be completely ostracised from LCN because of this refusal)
  • On 20 November 1970, the IACRL held a benefit at Madison Square Garden, with Frank Sinatra attending and performing
  • All members and associates of the Colombo family were given quotas on how many tickets to hand out and were also involved in selling raffle tickets and distributing advertising material
  • Many Colombo family members and associates began grumbling at how much time and effort they had to spend on the IACRL as opposed to LCN activities, and they felt this work was demeaning for LCN members
  • On 12 November 1970, Colombo associate Frank Falanga was arrested for perjury; he had six $100 tickets for the 20 November benefit on him at the time of his arrest
  • Colombo was charged with perjury in December 1970 after lying on a real estate application; he was convicted on 11 March 1971 and sentenced to two years in prison but was released on appeal
  • Joseph Colombo Jr and Joseph Ianacci were acquitted on 26 February 1971 after the prosecution’s chief witness Richard Salomone recanted his testimony and was charged with perjury (Scarpa expressed his opinion that the defendants would have been convicted if Salomone testified as expected)
  • Also on 26 February, a circulation manager and a truck driver for The Staten Island Advance were hospitalised after their delivery truck was forced off the road and set on fire; The Staten Island Advance had come under fire from the IACRL for continued references to the Mafia and LCN and, as a result of this incident, a Brooklyn federal grand jury began investigating the IACRL
  • On 05 March 1971, Colombo was arrested in connection with the 1968 theft of $750,000 in jewels in Nassau County; the IACRL picketed the Nassau County DA’s office in protest, and Scarpa advised of a wide-held belief that the FBI provided the DA with the information leading to Colombo’s arrest
  • On 10 March 1971, Scarpa advised that several LCN members including himself and Mimi Scialo had stopped directly supporting the pickets because of the involvement of ‘incompetent and immature individuals’ resulting in, specifically, the incident at The Staten Island Advance
  • Those close to Colombo were once again disgusted by the IACRL and, as a result of this, the only individuals attending the pickets outside the FBI offices were Colombo, his sons, other flunkies and individuals involved in Colombo’s gambling operations (the purpose of this new wave of pickets was to force the transfers of specific FBI agents)
  • Nicholas Bianco and others were open about their disapproval of Colombo’s appearances on television and in newspaper interviews
  • Scarpa added that he feared Colombo was going prematurely senile as a result of the publicity and law enforcement pressure
  • Scarpa also advised on 10 March that Colombo expected no problems with Joseph Gallo, who was due to be released that week; Scarpa expected that Colombo would likely assign Gallo to his crew, give him a piece of the action and explain there were no grudges over the Profaci-Gallo war
  • In March 1971, Albert Ruddy, the producer of The Godfather, held a press conference with members of the IACRL, including league official Anthony Colombo, where he announced that the words ‘Mafia’ and ‘La Cosa Nostra’ would not be used in the film; this was in response to a letter Anthony Colombo had sent threatening to boycott The Godfather over its depiction of Italian Americans
  • As part of Ruddy’s deal with the IACRL, he cast several league members as extras at the direction of Joseph Colombo (Ruddy also agreed to donate the proceeds of the film’s premiere to the IACRL, but Paramount Pictures stepped in and vetoed this)
  • Prior to this announcement, the production had faced difficulty securing shooting locations in New York City, they faced union problems, a truck containing film equipment had been stolen, a bomb had been set off at the gates of Paramount Pictures, and producer Robert Evans alleged the life of his son had been threatened
  • Gianni Russo, an actor and member of the IACRL, boasted that he had been involved in settling the dispute between the producers and Colombo and that, as a result of this, he was given the role of Carlo Rizzi in the film
  • Robert Evans also attributed the easing of tensions to the intervention of lawyer Sidney Korshak, who was connected to top-echelon Chicago figures including Gus Alex
  • After this deal had been made between the production and the IACRL, finding shooting locations became much easier and Colombo sent his men out to sooth things over with previously disgruntled residents; security was also provided for the shoot and several cast members were observed associating with LCN members and associates, including James Caan socialising with Carmine Persico (perhaps leading to Caan’s extensive history with Colombo family figures, particularly Andrew Russo)
  • On 02 April 1971, Colombo and 35 others were indicted on charges of running a large-scale numbers operation; Colombo was released on $25,000 bail and attended a picket outside the FBI office later that day
  • Scarpa advised that the consensus in the Colombo family at this point was that Colombo himself was the cause of increased law enforcement pressure and the resulting disruption of almost all illegal activities
  • On 07 June 1971, Scarpa met with Nicholas Bianco at a pork store on 86th Street where he saw that Salvatore Fusco and Paul Bevacqua were carrying concealed guns; Bianco told Scarpa that these were precautions ordered by Colombo over problems he was having with the recently released Joseph Gallo
  • Scarpa met with Colombo, who was accompanied by bodyguards, later that day and Colombo expressed his frustration with Gallo and how he could not take action against him as it would bring further stigma on himself and the IACRL; Colombo hoped that by making no overt moves against him, Gallo would do his own thing
  • Among the acts taken by Gallo included unsuccessfully attempting to recruit Sally Mangiamelli, beating up a couple of hangers on, choking the mother of one of his own associates, removing IACRL rally advertisements, threatening Italian business owners not to participate, and threatening to kill Rocco Miraglia after he found him passing out Unity Day posters on President Street
  • Colombo told Scarpa that if Gallo were to kill a member of his (Colombo’s) crew, he would strike back and wipe out Gallo and his entire crew
  • On 10 June 1971, Scarpa advised that Colombo had recently observed a number of black men circling his block in a car in the early morning; Colombo feared these were individuals Gallo began associating with in prison, but suspected that it was merely an intimidation attempt and was planning to go ahead with his Unity Day rally on 28 June
  • On 13 June 1971, Scarpa was told that Carlo Gambino had officially withdrawn his support from the IACRL and that Gambino family member Joe DeCicco had been told to resign from his position as an organiser at the league; Anthony Scotto’s longshoremen and other Gambino-affiliated groups were told not to attend the Unity Day rally
  • On 14 June 1971, Scarpa had a long conversation with Nicholas Bianco; Bianco told him that he was going to buy a home in Providence and gradually withdraw from the family because Colombo’s actions were ultimately going to get everyone arrested
  • Colombo was shot and incapacitated at the Unity Day rally in Columbus Circle on 28 June 1971 by Jerome Johnson; Scarpa advised that ‘[redacted] LNU’ then shot and killed Johnson instinctively
  • Approximately thirty minutes before Colombo was shot, he advised Scarpa that he (Colombo) had advised Carlo Gambino that the Unity Day rally would be his ‘swan song’ and after that he would take a back seat from IACRL affairs and dedicate himself to humanitarian work rather than fighting the FBI
  • Scarpa advised that Jerome Johnson was a wannabe wiseguy from Greenwich Village who frequented social clubs in Brooklyn; though he did not have the reputation of a ‘kook’, Johnson was said to be willing to do anything for a price if approached correctly
  • Scarpa advised that in the week following the shooting much of the talk on the street revolved around the failure of Nicholas Bianco, Rocco Miraglia and Joe Notch to protect Colombo or stay by his side when he was shot; other talk revolved around Joseph Gallo working with the FBI and CIA to set up Johnson to shoot Colombo
  • On 07 July 1971, Scarpa advised that a meeting was recently held at the home of Dick Fusco where consigliere Joseph Yacovelli was made acting boss after underboss Charles Mineo refused the position
  • It was Scarpa’s opinion that Yacovelli would make Carmine Persico either underboss or consigliere after Colombo died; Scarpa stated that this could therefore be a motive for Persico to have orchestrated the shooting, and that he could have acted in the knowledge that the blame would naturally be placed at the feet of Joseph Gallo
  • The members who had previously reported directly to Colombo were reassigned to Rocco Miraglia and Nicholas Bianco; Scarpa interpreted this move as an attempt to placate Colombo’s crew members as it was known that Miraglia and Bianco were extremely close to Colombo
  • Scarpa advised that Colombo had maintained a very fragile balance of power in the family and had made no provisional plans in the event of any disruption, which left Carmine Persico in a very opportunistic position as Joseph Yacovelli would not stand up against him; Scarpa believed that if Persico beat his legal problems he would kill Yacovelli to take over
  • Scarpa also learned that three days before the Unity Day rally, Colombo had given a contract, possibly to Nicholas Bianco and others, to kill Gallo and his top associates after Gallo began stealing action from Colombo family members; Colombo secured the blessing of Carlo Gambino before taking this course of action by convincing Gambino that no peace would be maintained with Gallo on the streets
  • On 13 July 1971, Scarpa advised it appeared that Carmine Persico was on the move and attempting to take over the family and the resources of the IACRL; Scarpa learned that Persico had sent $30,000 to the league for its continued operations
  • On 14 July 1971, Yacovelli held a meeting where he explained that he had been in touch with Commission members including Carlo Gambino and Carmine Tramunti and was instructed to kill Gallo and his top associates; Yacovelli was instructed not to target any fringe members of Gallo’s group in order to prevent an all-out war, but that if Gallo were to be sent back to prison for a parole violation, Yacovelli was to wipe out everyone in Gallo’s crew
  • Gambino and Tramunti offered assistance in carrying out the hits, but Scarpa felt that Carmine Persico and his crew would handle the situation themselves; Scarpa advised that due to Persico’s attempts to locate Jerome Johnson’s female accomplice, and the Commission’s certainty in ordering the execution of Gallo, that Persico may not have been involved in Colombo’s shooting
  • The Commission also instructed that members of Colombo’s crew, rather than being reassigned to Miraglia and Bianco, were to report to older captains in the family; Scarpa speculated that this was due to the recent scorn put upon Miraglia and Bianco, and also because the Commission may still have been watching Yacovelli and Persico carefully and viewed their previous decision as too political
  • On 15 July 1971, Scarpa advised that Persico and Yacovelli had provided him with a photograph of Johnson’s female accomplice; Scarpa had a friend who knew Johnson and Scarpa was to provide the photograph to this individual in the hopes that he could identify the woman so that she could be snatched off the streets and interrogated to find out who had hired Johnson to shoot Colombo
  • On 09 August 1971, Scarpa advised that members of the Colombo family were advised by their captains not to attend the funeral of Carlo Gambino’s wife unless they had a personal relationship with Gambino or his late wife; Scarpa interpreted this as evidence of a rift between the Colombo and Gambino families
  • On 23 July 1971, Scarpa advised that there were five or six armed men constantly at Roosevelt Hospital to protect Colombo from any attempts to finish him off; in addition, the IACRL office on 84th Street and 17th Avenue had been converted into an armoury and almost all active members of the Colombo family were armed
  • Though there was still uncertainty about who was behind Colombo’s shooting, Scarpa felt that all members of the family believed the Gallos were responsible (though no-one openly admitted it) and feared war would be on the horizon
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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by bert »

It's crazy that the entire time this unfolded, from beginning to end, Scarpa was working for the FBI and getting paid money by them for ratting, while at the same time being involved in the picketing.
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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by TallGuy19 »

This info seems to dispell any notion that the other bosses killed Colombo over the publicity he was generating with the IACRL. Also, was Scarpa a captain during this time? I was under the impression that Scarpa had been an official captain from 1960—1963 and an acting captain from around 1982—1983, but it sounds like he might have been a captain at this time too.
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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by Pogo The Clown »

Believe he was a Soldier direct with the Boss during this period.


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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by TallGuy19 »

Pogo The Clown wrote: Sat May 16, 2020 2:22 pm Believe he was a Soldier direct with the Boss during this period.


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He mentioned that they were considering putting Gallo in his crew, but maybe they were just going to have Scarpa keep an eye on him.
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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by chin_gigante »

I can see how it came across that way in how I wrote it up, but Colombo was considering putting Gallo in the crew of guys who reported direct to him (i.e., Gallo would report direct to Colombo). I believe at that time Colombo had about 6 individuals reporting direct to him including Scarpa. From the way it comes across in the files, it seems like Scarpa was, from time to time, used almost as an unofficial first-among-equals in that that crew, passing along orders to the other members (e.g., to gather the crew after Colombo Jr was arrested, to spread the word to ostracise Shorty Spero, to instruct the crew to gather damaging information on FBI agents...)
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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by TallGuy19 »

chin_gigante wrote: Sat May 16, 2020 3:16 pm I can see how it came across that way in how I wrote it up, but Colombo was considering putting Gallo in the crew of guys who reported direct to him (i.e., Gallo would report direct to Colombo). I believe at that time Colombo had about 6 individuals reporting direct to him including Scarpa. From the way it comes across in the files, it seems like Scarpa was, from time to time, used almost as an unofficial first-among-equals in that that crew, passing along orders to the other members (e.g., to gather the crew after Colombo Jr was arrested, to spread the word to ostracise Shorty Spero, to instruct the crew to gather damaging information on FBI agents...)
Ah, I see. Do you know why Scarpa wasn't a captain? It seems strange that someone that powerful and important wouldn't hold a higher rank. Did he not want the headaches of running a crew?
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Re: The Downfall of Joseph Colombo and the IACRL

Post by B. »

Nice job. Stefano Magaddino was picked up on his office bug years before the IACRL was set up discussing how the mafia should establish an Italian civil rights organization like this and use legitimate figures as "fronts". The way he breaks it down is eerily close to what Colombo would end up doing, so I wonder how much of this was already in discussion between Commission members before Colombo took charge (as evidenced by the Magaddino tape), or if it was a coincidence that Colombo happened to do it. We know he had the support of other mafia leaders for a while, including Tieri and Gambino, which suggests he brought it up with them before moving forward.

Magaddino and/or the Commission were said by some sources to have told San Jose boss Joe Cerrito to initiate his lawsuit against Time, too, to see if it would be effective. There does seem to be some substance behind the idea that the IACRL and the Cerrito lawsuit were a way for the national mafia to test different approaches to combating the FBI.
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