The criminal activities of Cosa Nostra are almost a tradition of Sicily. In the capital Palermo, however, 11 foreign merchants rebelled against the extortion system, which led to the arrest of local mafiosi.
"Via Maqueda is one of the most diversified in Palermo"
There was a time when Ruben's shop in Palermo had to be closed at all times, even during business hours. Born in Bangladesh, he opened an international money transfer shop in 2002 in Via Maqueda, in the district of Ballarò.
One of the main arteries of the historical center of the Sicilian capital, it is also one of the most diversified. Among the dilapidated facades and historic palaces that tourists stop to admire, ubiquitous local souvenirs are sold side by side with Asian saris and North African condiments.
It was here that ten Bangladeshi shop owners and one Tunisian man decided to confront the street crime and extortion system perpetrated by a local mafia group against them and other businessmen by breaking the silence on what was taking place.
With the help of the local group Addio Pizzo ("goodbye extortion"), the merchants denounced those responsible to the police, resulting in the arrest of nine people in May 2016. They now respond for crimes such as extortion, assault, arson and aggravating criminal methods and racism.
"Initiative of Asian and African traders managed to break the cycle of extortion tolerated for decades by local traders"
From the prisons, Ruben no longer has to ask his customers to ring the bell to enter. "There used to be a lot of armed robberies or attempts on this street," he recalls, referring to the times when Emanuele Rubino, Ballarò's wolf, and his gang terrified the neighborhood.
"They tried to get money any way they could, sometimes I had to pay to be able to keep the store open." In order to ensure their power and control, blackmailers used to demand between 40 and 50 euros a week as "protection", or pizzo, in the Sicilian dialect.
The situation deteriorated in 2015, recalls Ruben, at his trading house whose only source of daylight is the entrance, now open side by side.
"I kept keeping the door closed after they had attempted an armed robbery, tried to enter my store many times, and if I looked at them, I could pick them up, they were always here, day and night, a group of eight to ten. now we've been living in Europe for two years, it's not Sicily, "he jokes.
"Mafiosi demanded up to 50 euros they could to allow the stores to work"
The upset came in April of the following year, when Rubino shot the head of Gambian player Yusupha Susso in broad daylight after an altercation. The victim survived miraculously, but the shooting sparked public outrage and provoked police intervention.
Rubino was sentenced to 12 years in prison, five of his partners were exonerated from the charges of extortion, one is under house arrest. The process is expected to close in 2018.
Daniele Marannano, one of Addio Pizzo's coordinators, reports that this is "the first time such a large group of foreign merchants has resolved collectively to file a complaint." The citizenship movement is supported by a network of volunteers and donations. "We always encourage collective reporting efforts because more people mean less risk."
Out in battered squares and in a fair permeated by the sweet-smelling smell of fried fish and raw meat hanging from hooks, the winding streets of Ballaro have historically been a stronghold of Cosa Nostra, the Sicilian mafia. But this dynamic has changed in recent years.
"Nowadays, Cosa Nostra's 'bottom-up' dimension has collapsed," says Palermo Mayor Leoluca Orlando, referring to the traditional system in which the bosses delegated control of a specific territory to those who worked at the level of the neighborhoods.
"With the blows that the Mafia has received in recent years, relations have become more horizontal.This does not rule out the possibility of ties with the top, but they have weakened,
According to a report published in 2013 by the research center Transcrime, what Cosa Nostra with profits its illegal activities is today only half of the collected by the Camorra, the Neapolitan mafia. In recent years, powerful new organizations have emerged, such as the Black Ax (Nigerian Ax). In May, 14 of its members were sentenced by mafia associations, among others, marking the first time that an Italian court assigns this type of crime to a foreign organization.
"Daniele Marannano, Addio Pizzo: "As long as there is a merchant willing to pay, there will be someone ready to collect"
Another of the 11 dealers who have filed complaints against the Rubino gang, who prefers to use the pseudonym Faysal, maintain a supermarket down the street. "I used to have as little money as possible at the cash register. Now I can carry the money in my pocket, without fear," he says, taking out a wad of bills.
While many of the shops around Maqueda Street belong to immigrants settled in Italy years ago, some of the victims are from Palermo. But none of them took the initiative to denounce the mafiosi.
"The initiative of the foreign merchants was also a kind of rebuke to the many traders in Palermo who continue to pay, to this day," comments Marannano in his confiscated Mafia office in the center of the city.
Addio Pizzo has helped 300 victims of extortion in the capital and neighboring towns. One of the challenges faced in starting its activities in 2004 was getting the locals to talk about the abuses, breaking the taboo. "Today we live in a context where it is easier to report, but those who do this are still very few, considering how comprehensive the phenomenon is."
In addition to assisting extortionate traders determined to go to the police, the organization has formed a network of about 1,000 store owners who challenge the system by displaying the sticker with the Addio Pizzo logo. It aims to develop a network of "critical consumers" capable of making informed choices.
"The point is to create a safety net in order to ensure that those who report are not left alone," explains Daniele Marannano. "Police action is important, but until we make a cultural turnaround, the phenomenon is bound to regenerate cyclically. As long as there is a merchant willing to pay, there will be someone ready and collected."
The foreign revolt against the Italian mafia
Moderator: Capos
- aleksandrored
- Full Patched
- Posts: 1671
- Joined: Fri Sep 29, 2017 3:24 pm
Re: The foreign revolt against the Italian mafia
I'm surprised none of these Addiopizzo people have been killed yet. Perhaps as long as most businesses continue to pay, the Mafia chooses to ignore the movement.
All roads lead to New York.
-
- Full Patched
- Posts: 1155
- Joined: Wed Oct 29, 2014 7:04 am
Re: The foreign revolt against the Italian mafia
funny like ballarò is always in the media when it is 1% of palermo at most
anyway rubino gang was not even members of cosa nostra, they were a gang of young criminals, but not mafia members
most of people still continue to pay, only a tiny part denouced the mafia (usually highly pressed by police, because of news italian laws who punish shopkeepers paying the mafia)), and most of them are under police protection h24
anyway mafia is weaker than the past and police pressure stronger, in the 1980s everybody would be killed suddenly
anyway rubino gang was not even members of cosa nostra, they were a gang of young criminals, but not mafia members
most of people still continue to pay, only a tiny part denouced the mafia (usually highly pressed by police, because of news italian laws who punish shopkeepers paying the mafia)), and most of them are under police protection h24
anyway mafia is weaker than the past and police pressure stronger, in the 1980s everybody would be killed suddenly
Re: The foreign revolt against the Italian mafia
According to this article, back in the early 1990s about 80% of the businesses (the figure I was familiar with) paid. Now it's just under 50%.
Trends in extortion payments by companies to Italy’s Mafia
“Anti-pizzo” groups are making a difference, but the old system will not disappear
The Economist
June 14, 2018
THE toll of “pizzo” protection payments made by firms to Sicily’s Mafia is closely monitored. Nearly half pay up these days, according to estimates from the Confartigianato, a national business association—a big improvement from the early 1990s, when at least four-fifths of Sicilian firms paid it. Back then the levy claimed nearly a tenth of the turnover of victimised businesses. Today’s ratio is around half that. Other regions in Italy’s south, where the pizzo system is most entrenched, have also seen big drops.
For that businesses can thank a clutch of anti-pizzo groups. One is Addiopizzo (“goodbye, pizzo”) in Palermo, which advises businesses on pressing charges against crooks. It also encourages them to publicly forswear pizzo payments. Extortionists now think twice before bullying shopkeepers, knowing there will be a flurry of media attention and police investigations, says its founder, Daniele Marannano.
Addiopizzo has endorsed as pizzo-free 1,045 (and counting) businesses in Palermo and surrounding areas that display window stickers to discourage would-be extortionists. Entrepreneurs say the stickers seem to work, a claim supported by intercepted phone calls in which mafiosi complain about the difficulty of meeting extortion targets. Other anti-pizzo groups including Libero Futuro, also in Palermo, have cropped up.
Their efforts have registered on a national level. A group in Naples, the Italian Federation of Anti-Racket and Anti-Usury Associations, says that pizzo payments now amount to a fifth at most of all income for Italy’s organised-crime groups, down from a whopping half in the early 1990s. The biggest drop came in the past four years, says the group’s founder, Tano Grasso.
But the system itself is worth more to crooks than the money and is unlikely to disappear. This is because it provides power over payers, who are often also pressed into aiding more lucrative crime by, say, concealing drugs or firearms, or by turning a blind eye to a robbery, fugitive hideout or insurance scam.
An operation may begin with a squirt of superglue in a shop’s keyhole, or a bottle of petrol left on a doorstep. Mafia members might threaten a new bar’s prospects by starting drunken brawls. Such ops are “word-of-mouth marketing” for pizzo compliance in a targeted area, notes Giuseppe Todaro, an entrepreneur in Cinisi, near Palermo, who handed over about €245,000 ($290,000) in 17 years. Many remaining payers are largely content to continue, he says, for the pizzo payments also elicit useful services from the Mafia. These include help with debt collection; stopping a competitor from opening; and discouraging workers from unionising or suing for mistreatment.
https://www.economist.com/business/2018 ... a?fsrc=rss
Trends in extortion payments by companies to Italy’s Mafia
“Anti-pizzo” groups are making a difference, but the old system will not disappear
The Economist
June 14, 2018
THE toll of “pizzo” protection payments made by firms to Sicily’s Mafia is closely monitored. Nearly half pay up these days, according to estimates from the Confartigianato, a national business association—a big improvement from the early 1990s, when at least four-fifths of Sicilian firms paid it. Back then the levy claimed nearly a tenth of the turnover of victimised businesses. Today’s ratio is around half that. Other regions in Italy’s south, where the pizzo system is most entrenched, have also seen big drops.
For that businesses can thank a clutch of anti-pizzo groups. One is Addiopizzo (“goodbye, pizzo”) in Palermo, which advises businesses on pressing charges against crooks. It also encourages them to publicly forswear pizzo payments. Extortionists now think twice before bullying shopkeepers, knowing there will be a flurry of media attention and police investigations, says its founder, Daniele Marannano.
Addiopizzo has endorsed as pizzo-free 1,045 (and counting) businesses in Palermo and surrounding areas that display window stickers to discourage would-be extortionists. Entrepreneurs say the stickers seem to work, a claim supported by intercepted phone calls in which mafiosi complain about the difficulty of meeting extortion targets. Other anti-pizzo groups including Libero Futuro, also in Palermo, have cropped up.
Their efforts have registered on a national level. A group in Naples, the Italian Federation of Anti-Racket and Anti-Usury Associations, says that pizzo payments now amount to a fifth at most of all income for Italy’s organised-crime groups, down from a whopping half in the early 1990s. The biggest drop came in the past four years, says the group’s founder, Tano Grasso.
But the system itself is worth more to crooks than the money and is unlikely to disappear. This is because it provides power over payers, who are often also pressed into aiding more lucrative crime by, say, concealing drugs or firearms, or by turning a blind eye to a robbery, fugitive hideout or insurance scam.
An operation may begin with a squirt of superglue in a shop’s keyhole, or a bottle of petrol left on a doorstep. Mafia members might threaten a new bar’s prospects by starting drunken brawls. Such ops are “word-of-mouth marketing” for pizzo compliance in a targeted area, notes Giuseppe Todaro, an entrepreneur in Cinisi, near Palermo, who handed over about €245,000 ($290,000) in 17 years. Many remaining payers are largely content to continue, he says, for the pizzo payments also elicit useful services from the Mafia. These include help with debt collection; stopping a competitor from opening; and discouraging workers from unionising or suing for mistreatment.
https://www.economist.com/business/2018 ... a?fsrc=rss
All roads lead to New York.
-
- Full Patched
- Posts: 1155
- Joined: Wed Oct 29, 2014 7:04 am
Re: The foreign revolt against the Italian mafia
I think about 70% still pay half is a bit low in catania and palermo sure 90%
-
- Full Patched
- Posts: 3168
- Joined: Thu Jul 06, 2017 6:09 am
Re: The foreign revolt against the Italian mafia
One thing stood out to me....
I've mentioned on the other board, despite not being as " Organized ", ( and I dont even think this is actually true..) the Naples mafia has a tremendous capacity for liquidity, because of their extensive retail operations, with drugs, clothes, and counterfeit goods from China.
I dont know if any accurate estimates have been made for th ge revenue generated there. Also, the Casalesi apparently are huge in gambling, a recent development. Although as I say that, I thin kn yhr Gorcella clans ( Guiliano ?) Were ran all the betting shops in Campania, in t b.ce 80s or 90s...
I've mentioned on the other board, despite not being as " Organized ", ( and I dont even think this is actually true..) the Naples mafia has a tremendous capacity for liquidity, because of their extensive retail operations, with drugs, clothes, and counterfeit goods from China.
I dont know if any accurate estimates have been made for th ge revenue generated there. Also, the Casalesi apparently are huge in gambling, a recent development. Although as I say that, I thin kn yhr Gorcella clans ( Guiliano ?) Were ran all the betting shops in Campania, in t b.ce 80s or 90s...