Construction Corruption

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Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Sun Jan 26, 2020 6:56 am

She resigned, so we really dont know what this involves but they had some dirt on her. Would you honestly be surprised if there was any favors for mafia related persons? Goddamn some of you are fucking dense.

Re: Construction Corruption

by bert » Sat Jan 25, 2020 8:10 pm

500YearReign wrote: Sat Jan 25, 2020 7:03 am NYC prosecutor Diana Florence resigns after allegedly withholding evidence

https://nypost.com/2020/01/24/prosecuto ... -evidence/
She was protecting business executives and politically connected people and not Mafia associates. That's surprising since they almost always either did that or fined them without indicating them.

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Sat Jan 25, 2020 7:03 am

NYC prosecutor Diana Florence resigns after allegedly withholding evidence

https://nypost.com/2020/01/24/prosecuto ... -evidence/

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 12:53 pm

'Mafia-linked firms' renovated Sting's villa

Builders allegedly linked to the mafia worked on Sting's Tuscan villa. Photo: Frazer Harrison/AFP
AFP
news@thelocal.it
@thelocalitaly
16 January 2014 13:28 CET+01:00

Renovators who restored pop legend Sting's Tuscan villa and the Uffizi Gallery in Florence were allegedly linked to an organized crime syndicate, Italian media reports said on Thursday, citing a police investigation.

GGF and PDP Construction are accused of running an elaborate scam involving €10 million ($13.61 million) worth of fake invoices in a hustle dreamt up by a known crook, the police said.

Their list of work includes the historic site of Florence's Hard Rock Cafe, Sting's 16th-century mansion in Chianti and the Uffizi, which houses paintings by masters such as Leonardo da Vinci.

The companies were registered under "clean" names but actually belonged to Giovanni Potenza, 62, who is linked to the Camorra crime syndicate and was found guilty in 2007 of mafia association, the reports said.

Police on Wednesday arrested six people in connection with the plot, and seized €11 million worth of assets including villas, luxury cars and bank accounts.

GGF and PDP relied on bogus companies in the region providing them with counterfeited invoices between 2007 and 2012 in exchange for a cut of the profits.

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 12:50 pm

New York Daily News Logo
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City gave $37M in contracts to road-repair business whose owner was once tied to Mafia
By GREG B. SMITH
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
MAY 13, 2018 | 4:00 AM

City gave $37M in contracts to road-repair business whose owner was once tied to Mafia
Persico Contracting, Richard Persico's former company, and PCI Industries, his current company, set up at the same Mount Vernon, N.Y., address. (ROBERT SABO/SABO, ROBERT)
A contractor whose former company was suspected of mob ties won $37 million in taxpayer-funded city contracts last year — despite his history of blocking investigations into his prior company.

Richard Persico owns PCI Industries, a Mount Vernon firm that won three huge city contracts in 2017 to resurface New York City streets and install wheelchair-accessible sidewalk ramps in all five boroughs.


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He got the lucrative deals even though city investigators say in 2006 he blocked their efforts to look into mob involvement in an affiliated firm he co-owned 50/50 with his brother, Robert.

At the time, Robert Persico had been arrested on racketeering charges and identified by the FBI as an associate of the Gambino crime family. He was facing several federal charges, including paying off a corrupt official of a union representing employees of the brothers' company, Persico Contracting & Trucking.


Last year the city awarded PCI Industries three contracts: $24.1 million from the Department of Transportation and two more totaling $12.9 million from the Department of Design & Construction.

Officials at both Transportation and Design conceded that that they only learned of the obstruction findings on Persico when contacted by The News. Officials later said the finding had been automatically deleted in 2011 from the city's contract database known as Vendex.


In response to The News' findings, Councilman Ritchie Torres, (D-Bronx), says he'll propose legislation this week to "close the loophole in Vendex and require longer retention of information that could inform the city's determination of who qualifies as a responsible

He also chastised the city for striking the deal with Persico.

"The city's decision to hand a $37 million check to a contractor with ties to organized crime represents a colossal waste of taxpayer dollars," Torres said.

On March 2, 2005, Robert Persico was charged along with several alleged Mafia members with extorting a rival construction firm and trafficking in stolen luxury goods, including BMWs and Cadillacs. A week later he was charged separately with bribing union officials on behalf of Persico Contracting, the company the brothers co-owned.

Persico is led away in cuffs in 2005. His company just got millions in city paving contracts.
Persico is led away in cuffs in 2005. His company just got millions in city paving contracts. (Warga, Craig)
At the time the company's license to operate a trade waste business was about to expire, and the city Business Integrity Commission soon after received an application for renewal.

Richard Persico promised to answer the integrity panel's questions and submitted paperwork claiming that Robert had ended his 50% ownership of Persico Contracting on March 1, 2005.

"Not coincidentally," Integrity investigators noted, "the date of Robert's purported resignation occurred the day before the indictment charging him with conspiring with a capo in the Gambino Organized Crime family was unsealed."

The Integrity commission soon determined the documents filed by Persico were misleading and that Robert was still a principal when the renewal application was filed: "Documents were backdated in order to avoid filing a renewal application that acknowledged that PCT was owned and operated by a principal under indictment for significant organized crime activity," the commission wrote.

Officials say Persico Contracting's lawyer then began delaying Richard Persico's scheduled deposition with the integrity commission. In the end, Richard Persico informed officials he would not answer their questions.

On June 20, 2006, the commission declared, "It is of grave concern . . . that (Persico Contracting) filed a misleading and contradictory application and obstructed the commission's investigation into the matter."


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Persico Construction, the commission ruled, "may not operate as a trade waste business in the city of New York."

To get around this problem, Richard Persico created a new company at the same address with the same phone number and with the same equipment, according to records.

Two weeks after informing BIC he wouldn't cooperate in their probe, he incorporated PCI Industries, listing himself as sole owner.

City Councilman Ritchie Torres (D-Bronx) slammed the city's dealings with Persico as "a colossal waste of taxpayer dollars."
City Councilman Ritchie Torres (D-Bronx) slammed the city's dealings with Persico as "a colossal waste of taxpayer dollars." (Andrew Lamberson/Andrew Lamberson for New York Da)
According to a 2011 lawsuit filed by a union representing some of the company's workers, "all or most of the property and equipment used by Persico Contracting is or was owned by PCI."

The lawsuit by the Highway Road & Street Construction Laborers Local 1010 charged that "PCI exists for the purpose of servicing Persico Contracting."

More recently PCI appears to have skated around multiple obstacles to obtain city contracts.

All contractors seeking city work must detail if the "vendor, any affiliate or any of their current or former principal owners officers or managerial employees (have) been convicted of a felony and/or any crime related to truthfulness and/or any crime related to business conduct in the past 10 years."

In PCI's case, they would have had to answer "yes" to this question until July 2016 — 10 years after Robert Persico's conviction on two federal charges.

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But that question is not asked of subcontractors, so in 2014 and 2015 PCI was able to land $2.2 million in city work as a sub-contractor on two projects.

And in December 2016, five months after the 10-year restriction ended, PCI was able to answer "no" to this question when it bid on the first of three contracts with the city.

Richard Persico did not return calls for comment from The News.

Notified of the Persico contract awards, the city Department of Investigation said it's working with BIC and the mayor's office of contract services "regarding the timeframe of how long cautions, including BIC denials, remain" in the system.

Asked about the current protocol of erasing negative findings from the system used to vet vendors, Jane Meyer, a spokeswoman for Mayor de Blasio, said, "We will work with our partners in the controller's office and the Department of Investigation to review protocols that ensure responsible organizations are receiving contracts."

Re: Construction Corruption

by Wiseguy » Thu Aug 15, 2019 12:44 pm

500YearReign wrote: Thu Aug 15, 2019 12:27 pm I respect your synopsis of the situation, I may have characterized the control as total and absolute and that in fact is an oversimplification, but your referenced article pointed out what I was essentially doing my best to convey which is that and I quote, "Commercial buildings and public works were almost entirely done by union workers, which raised public projects costs by 25%." This equates to almost (and I believe I'm being totally reasonable in this statement) total control by the mob over these larger commercial projects and infrastructure projects.
This is the result of the unions still having a lot of clout with politicians in a Democrat-run city. Which, in turn, results in raising the costs of public construction since union labor is considerably more expensive. The Mob takes advantage of this, i.e. sweetheart deals, etc., and simply adds to the overall extra costs the public pays.
Even as prosecutors make strides with indictments against members of the so-called five Mafia families in New York, investigators warn that new groups representing Asian and Eastern European mobsters are making headway in labor racketeering in New York City. Without better oversight and structural changes to the construction industry, a new generation of mobsters lies waiting to take over.
This I have yet to see any real evidence of this, at least in the form of any cases, and with the understanding that labor racketeering - by definition - involves labor unions.

There was the case, about 15 years ago, of Asian groups fighting over control of bus companies and routes out of Chinatown. But that was more a case of business racketeering.

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 12:27 pm

Great post Wiseguy!

Love the trade name John Galt Co. (Gambino connected) Herb must be a fan of Ayn Rand.

I respect your synopsis of the situation, I may have characterized the control as total and absolute and that in fact is an oversimplification, but your referenced article pointed out what I was essentially doing my best to convey which is that and I quote, "Commercial buildings and public works were almost entirely done by union workers, which raised public projects costs by 25%." This equates to almost (and I believe I'm being totally reasonable in this statement) total control by the mob over these larger commercial projects and infrastructure projects.

The article also mentions Project Labor Agreements (PLAs) which are the backbone of the major projects and outlines how many union and non-union labor (20%) (the 80/20 rule) will be on a particular job. The developer has to allow non-union contractors who do not pay union wage labor rates, which allows smaller non-union minority contractors to bid on and get approved for contracts. (Work for everyone is the slogan) The GC can also subcontract to nonunion contractor.

PLAs f*cks union workers because it in many instances overrides the collective bargaining agreements and lowers their rate of pay/prevailing wage and pension benefits. The mob has been controlling not only union contractors but now also the non-union companies, which I indicated previously.

I'm researching the public domain to back up some of my personal knowledge claims we discussed and differed in opinion on. (Eastern seaboard construction projects controlled by LCN.) Will post if I find anything substantiating what I don't care to say and specify myself.

Best to the forum.

Re: Construction Corruption

by Wiseguy » Thu Aug 15, 2019 11:41 am

Some other examples -


In September 2005, it was reported that over a decade (from 1995 to 2005) numerous LCN-connected contractors, who had been previously banned from receiving state contracts, had received $1.2 billion on over 100 public contracts involving city schools, playgrounds, bridges, parks, etc. Among them were the $138 million Brooklyn-Queens Expressway (DeFoe Construction), $73.3 million Fresh Kills Landfill (Interstate Industrial), Yankees Stadium (Scara-Mix Inc.), Gowanus Expressway (Scara-Mix Inc.), the $8.6 million Mahan Hall/US Military Academy at West Point (Trataros Construction), the $87.4 million Baruch College Building, the $12.3 million College of Staten Island (Trataros Construction), the Staten Island Laboratory of Science (Trataros Construction, G&G Concrete), the Westchester County Courthouse, the $22 million building of the Metropolitan Detention Center, I-95 Bridge (Persico Construction), the $7 million Long Island Expressway (New York Paving), as well as an FBI dig in Queens (Enopac Leasing).



In December 2005, June 2006, and September 2007, it was reported that 17 trucking and carting companies with LCN ties in New York and New Jersey had received over $74 million of the $458 million (16%) in contracts involved in the World Trade Center clean up. Among them were Quadrozzi Concrete (owned by Lucchese associate John Quadrozzi Sr. - In December 2012, it was reported that Quadrozzi, who owned the Gowanus Bay Terminal and the 46-acre Gowanus Industrial Park in Brooklyn owed the state tens of thousands of dollars in fines for illegal dumping), Breeze International (owned by Lucchese associate Toby Romano) - $3.9 million, Scalamandre & Sons (Lucchese), AMEC Construction (VP Leo DiRubbo a Lucchese associate), ACT Abatement (owned by Lucchese associate Allen Monchik) - $95,000, 4 Seasons Contracting (owned by Lucchese associate Salvatore Carucci) - $26.7 million, Big Apple Wrecking and the John Galt Co. (owner Harold Greenberg a Gambino associate) - $203,000, Tully Construction (associated with the Gambinos), Laquila Group (owner Dino Tomassetti Sr. associated with Gambinos and Colombos had $35 million excavation and foundation contract, included Tomasetti son's Empire Transit Mix), Nacirema Construction (Genovese associate Nicholas Calvao), PAL Environmental Corp., Leticia Inc., Testa Corp., Juda Construction, and Mazzocchi Wrecking (DeCavalcante) - $16 million. It was subsequently reported that Petrocelli Electric (Genovese) had received the contract to do the electric work on the new World Trade Center.



In June 2009, it was reported several NY LCN families got in on the construction boom of 2002-2007 through corrupt companies and unions according to court papers and sources. Records showed mob-linked companies had been subcontractors on most of the major projects of the last few years, including highway repair, the midtown office tower boom, the massive water treatment plant in the Bronx, and the rebuilding of the World Trade Center.



In January 2013, it was reported that only 11.3% of U.S. workers belonged to a union - a 97 year low. Within the private sector it was only 6.6%, down from 35% in the 1950's. In June 2015, it was reported that rising construction costs, an increase in foreign investment and ownership and a pool of non-union workers had led to developers being more willing to use non-union laborers in New York City. It was estimated that 50% of private sector construction work in the city was done by unions, compared to 80-90% 15 years earlier. That same year it was reported the non-union “open shops” were concentrated mostly in the residential part of the industry, where only about 15% were union in 2015. Commercial buildings and public works were still almost entirely done by union workers. In June 2017, it was reported that organized labor was losing its grip on the New York City construction industry because, due to too high construction costs (going up 25% over last 5 years, much due to union wages - operating engineers $114.50 hr, laborers $66 hr, carpenters $96.76 hr, electricians $103.44 hr), it was increasingly becoming “open shop” (pushed for by developers and landlords) where both union and non-union subcontractors bid for jobs and many projects had a mix of both. Private construction union members in the state amounted to 48.1% of total workers in 1983 but 30.7% by 2016. However, the “open shops” were concentrated mostly in the residential part of the industry, where in 2015 only 14.4% of 146 projects were union sites. Commercial buildings and public works were almost entirely done by union workers, which raised public projects costs by 25%. In April 2018, it was reported that New York had the highest amount of union members of any state in the country with 2,017,000 members or membership rate of 23.8%. In January 2019, it was reported that 80% of private construction was done by non-union workers.



In April 2018, it was reported that, in New York City’s $45.3 billion construction industry, developers relied on a consortium of professionals to assign contracts and oversee the flow of millions of dollars — sometimes with little to no oversight. Both the scale of construction projects and the number of different players involved put developers in a vulnerable position to overbilling schemes. Interior work, property management and ground-up construction jobs involving project labor agreements had proven particularly fertile ground for accusations of corruption. This was due in large part to industry-wide inertia where smaller contractors and property management firms lacked the infrastructure to monitor their employees and third-party contractors closely, while deep-pocketed construction companies emerge from scandals virtually unscathed. In addition, because of the competitive nature of the business, many contractors initially lowballed their bids to secure work and make up for the difference by overbilling.



--------------------


The takeaway being, New York construction is a vast, multi-billion industry made up of hundreds of developers, contractors, and unions, as well as city and state government. There are seemingly endless ways, by both Mafia-connected companies and otherwise, to take advantage of vulnerabilities in the industry in order to increase their profits.

As the first article touches on, the nature of the industry is part of the problem. While the union movement has been in decline, both nationally and in New York, the latter has the strongest union presence remaining. And no doubt that's a big reason why most public contracts still go to union contractors, even while the private side has become more open shop.

Anyway, the point being, the LCN is simply one part of all this. It takes advantage of it when it can, and does use its influence where it can. But it's not a case of it being the overlord of that controls everything. That's the same mistake some posters have often made about the Outfit and it's place in the larger Chicago-corruption picture.

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 10:50 am

Connecticut News
STATE CONTRACTOR DOGGED BY ALLEGED ORGANIZED CRIME TIES
EDMUND H. MAHONY And JON LENDER; Courant Staff Writers Courant Staff Writers Stephanie Reitz and Daniel P. Jones contributed to this story
THE HARTFORD COURANT

A Connecticut construction company caught up in an investigation of municipal corruption here has been tainted by a history of links to mobsters, including the owner's private conversations with Anthony "Fat Tony" Salerno, a New York mob boss once heavily involved in the construction trades.

In fact, Worth Construction Co. of Bethel, which recently completed a $94 million upgrade of the city's sewage-treatment plant, has been barred since April 1998 by New York City's School Construction Authority from even bidding on school projects in New York.


"They were subjects of an investigation of criminal connections that were between the president of the company and several organized crime figures," said Daniel McCormack, a spokesman for the construction authority.

Worth was disqualified from bidding on New York school jobs after company President Joseph Pontoriero refused to answer any questions from authorities about his alleged associations with gangsters. The School Construction Authority was particularly interested in Salerno, who before his death in prison was a member of the Mafia's ruling commission, a group composed of the leaders of New York's organized crime families.


Pontoriero's company ran into similar problems in New Jersey where, while working on the Atlantic City convention center, it hired a subcontractor that employed the son of John Gotti, the now-incarcerated former boss of New York's Gambino crime family.

New Jersey's attorney general obtained a court order requiring Pontoriero to answer questions about associations with reputed gangsters, company officers, its financing and other matters. Pontoriero fought the order.

In October 1997, the New Jersey Criminal Justice Division advised officials in Morris County not to give Worth a contract to build a jail unless Worth responded to questions about alleged relationships with gangsters. The county ignored the advice, fearing a lawsuit if it disqualified Worth, the low bidder.

There are indications of similar circumstances in Waterbury.

Officials at the state Department of Environmental Protection said the state's environmental supervisor on the Waterbury sewage-treatment plant job complained about Worth's alleged mob ties, but nothing was done.

Waterbury Alderman Ron Napoli said this week that he and other Democratic aldermen wanted to investigate Worth in connection with the sewer plant project. But Napoli said Waterbury Mayor Philip A. Giordano opposed an examinaiton of possible Worth mob ties, saying it could lead to a lawsuit from Worth and would be offensive to Italian Americans.

Giordano and Worth are a focus of the FBI's municipal corruption investigation. A week ago, FBI agents seized eight filing cabinet drawers of documents detailing Worth's contract and work on the city sewage-treatment plant. Last week, in a development that grew out of the corruption investigation, the FBI arrested Giordano, charging him with enticing a child into a sexual relationship. Conversations relating to those allegations were captured by FBI eavesdropping equipment. He is being held at an undisclosed location without bail, pending the continuation of his hearing on Friday.

A receptionist at Worth Construction said Tuesday that neither Pontoriero nor anyone else in the company cared to discuss the Waterbury investigation or alleged company links to mob figures.

Mob penetration of the construction industry in the past has led to the use of second-rate construction materials, theft, labor racketeering and inflated prices. No such complaints appear to have been directed specifically at Worth. Officials in New Jersey were pleased with the company's work. The Waterbury sewer plant and work by Worth on Torrington High School are said to be of good quality.

Worth also has worked on schools in Hamden, New Canaan and Easton; public housing in Bridgeport; a sewer project in New Haven; and a hall at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy in New London.

Pontoriero's acquaintance with Salerno was disclosed in federal court in New York in what became known as the Commission Case -- the 1987 trial of Salerno and other members of the Mafia's ruling commission. An FBI agent testified that a hidden microphone recorded a conversation between Pontoriero and Salerno at Salerno's club, the Palma Boys Social Club in Manhattan.

"First of all, I verified that Mr. Pontoriero was in the club at the time of this conversation," agent Matthew Devine testified at the trial. "Mr. Pontoriero has been there in the club at least 10 times."

The conversation was reported to be about FBI surveillance.

Pontoriero's name appeared on a list of 172 unindicted co-conspirators that prosecutors presented to prospective jurors in the Commission Case.

Worth Construction also surfaced in a 1998 federal indictment of Gotti's son, John "Junior" Gotti and 22 mob associates. Gotti associate Vincent Zollo was accused of skimming money while working as a subcontractor for Worth on a project at Public School 43.

Worth was not charged with any crimes, but was barred from bidding on New York school work after the Public School 43 job.

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 10:44 am

Saturday, November 6, 2010

Mafia ties revealed to New York Irish construction firm
Irish informer spills the beans on mob ties

By MOLLY MULDOON, IrishCentral.com

Times Square Tower
An Irish contractor delivered a detailed account of the Mafia's involvement in New York's construction industry in a Manhattan courtroom last month.

James Murray, the immigrant builder, told the court how he climbed the ranks to success with help from the mob before crashing and losing everything. Murray addressed the court in a low voice as federal prosecutor Lisa Zornberg questioned him according to the Village Voice.

Murray had immigrated from Ireland in the prime of his youth twenty years ago.

"I was looking for work. I had an argument with my father, and I came to the States."

He dropped out of school at 13 the reason being, he told the court he had a difficulty reading. When he got to New York he started work as a carpenter before he started up his own business renovating homes. A fellow Irish man then helped him develop his modest business into a bigger operation.

To get the bigger jobs he signed up with the New York City District Council of Carpenters, pledging to build his projects with the union labor: "You can't work unless you're union," he reminded the court.

Things were going well for Murray, who called his company “On Par Contracting” and soon had 700 workers on the pay roll courtesy of the union and some shady background figures . Their extensive list of projects included the Times Square Tower, high-rises, hospitals and university projects.

We were everywhere," he said. "We were all over the city, all over the tri-state area." And money was rolling in for the Irish firm.

By ignoring union agreements he had signed he increased profits by employing fellow Irish men illegally, who were just off the boat. He payed these young men $25 to $40 an hour as opposed to the $75 demanded by union workers. "We didn't pay the benefits," he said. "We paid the guys in cash."

This gave the company the upper hand when pricing jobs. “You could be the low bidder," he said. Construction expenses, he said, run roughly "one-third materials, two-thirds labor." It was "a big cost savings."

Murray also bribed every union official he could, shop stewards for leaving workers off the books, business agents were paid not to come snooping and the top union leaders were paid to keep everyone in line.

More than $100,000 was given to District Council chief Michael Forde."He would help me get the shop stewards," explained Murray.

The president of the Local 608 union, John Greaney got cash and tickets to the Super Bowl.

All the corruption and bribery took place under the eyes of the Genovese crime family. Which has had a significant stronghold over the city's building trade for decades.

One of the mob's biggest liaison to the construction business Joseph Rudy Olivieri proved to be Murray's right hand man. Olivieri worked as the head of the Association of Wall-Ceiling and Carpentry Industries of New York. The court heard that the pair looked after each other.

Murray loaned Olivieri hundreds of thousands of dollars but in return he ran interference when a court-appointed investigator of the union Walter Mack started raising questions about Murray's success.

In 2005 the same court official subpoenaed Murry to testify. When Mack ordered for the company to be shut down, Murray called Olivieri immediately:"I called Joe Olivieri right away," said Murray. "He said, 'Give me a couple minutes."

He cobbled together a rescue plan to appease Mack and the company stayed in business. When Murray was asked if he continues to cheat he simply replied “Yes”

The sordid relationships between Murray, the union and the mafia handlers were a long kept secret. But Walter Mack's persistence and the follow up investigation by prosecutor Zornberg nailed Murray.

Murray's first indictment came in 2006 on fraud and money-laundering charges. He proceeded to flee to Ireland. Two years later after he was persuaded to return to the U.S. after the feds seized his extensive farm and other properties. He plead guilty and agreed to provide the evidence that led to the conviction of Olivieri, Forde, Greaney and seven others.

Olivieri was found guilty of perjury. He is currently out on a $500,000 bond and is facing up to five years in prison plus future prosecution for conspiracy and fraud.

FBI Assistant Director-in-Charge Janice K. Fedarcyk explained the necessity of the case. "Olivieri attempted, but failed, to mask his association with the Genovese Organized Crime Family and a dishonorable union contractor," she said. "The guilty verdict represents a dual victory: weeding out corruption in the New York City Carpenters Union and removing a crooked trustee of the benefit funds."

Re: Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 10:39 am

When the RSA bought a skyscraper, smashed the mob, and launched an empire

Updated Mar 07, 1:35 PM;
Posted Jan 27, 12:00 PM
0
0 shares
By Casey Toner
rsainvestments.zip

The glittering jewel of the Retirement Systems of Alabama real estate portfolio, 55 Water Street in New York City. Last year, the investment was worth about $1.52 billion. (www.55water.com)

Alabama's pension system bought a 3.8 million-square-foot skyscraper in New York City in 1993 for a fraction of its worth and needed an honest man to run it.


So they turned to an undercover detective who was working under a fake name in concert with a legendary New York City district attorney to take bribes from mobsters.

The ensuing investigation helped lead to the downfall of two of the nation's largest crime families, the end of a multi-million dollar garbage collection racket, and helped launched an unlikely second act for a New York cop. This time under his real name.

As for the Retirement Systems of Alabama, the building was a windfall investment.

Purchased for about $202 million, the 53-story floor is now worth an eye-popping $1.5 billion. It rents at $58 per square foot and leases to some of the biggest names in fashion and business. Millions of dollars of proceeds from the skyscraper flood into the RSA coffers annually.

Perhaps more importantly, the building's success gave them a seat at the table for bigger business deals to come.

It cleared the path for future RSA investments in resorts, office buildings, golf courses, a media conglomerate, and other businesses that now color the Alabama landscape. Today, the RSA has more than $38 billion in assets and its CEO David Bronner is one of the most powerful businessman involved with state government.

"It's definitely the best investment the Retirement Systems of Alabama in its history has ever made," said Marc Reynolds, a longtime RSA deputy director who was fired from the RSA in 2012.

"It was like someone going to the dog track and winning big money and you're hooked and you think it can do it every time."

Going undercover


Talk about fake it until you make it.

That's exactly what Harry Bridgwood did at 55 Water Street.

A New York City undercover detective, Bridgwood's corporate experience was limited. He co-owned a sporting goods store with two other police officers, shared a franchise for a Tropicana juice delivery route, and never graduated from college, according to a New York Times story.

But what he lacked in his business background, he made up with his courage and believability, according to former New York City District Attorney Robert Morgenthau.

Morgenthau, a celebrated World War 2 veteran, said that Bridgwood had the right character to do the job.

"Nobody suspected him," said Morgenthau, now 96. "He played the role of a corrupt owner's agent really well."

The idea was that Bridgwood, wearing a wire and using the fake name "Paul Vassil," would coordinate bribes and rig bids with V. Ponte & Sons. Morgenthau has deep Alabama ties and had previously collaborated in the past with Bronner, who signed off on the project.

In 1992, Bronner and the RSA led a bankruptcy takeover of the 53-story building after its former owners defaulted on $548 million worth of loans on the building.

The RSA was the largest single holder of the loans, with $100 million worth, and put together a deal to buy out the other loan holders for 29 cents on the dollar.
At the time, the building was in desperate need of repair and beholden to a number of criminal forces.

None was bigger than the garbage collection firm that had the contract at the building for more than two decades.

At their height, the Gambino and Genovese crime families that controlled the garbage cartel overcharged their clients up to $500 million a year, prosecutors alleged. This wasn't the only scam either.

In an interview with AL.com, Bronner recalled a tiny flower garden in the building that one man was paid $50,000 a year to water. There was also a ghost payroll scheme where 15 union members were charging the building for the work of two non-union immigrants.

"Everything had a scam to it," Bronner said. "You name it, there was something going on."

Cracking the case

Wearing one of three suits Morgenthau purchased for him from a prominent New York City designer, Bridgwood made his debut in October 1993 at 55 Water Street under the name Paul Vassil, according to a New York Times story. As the CEO, Bridgwood's first job was to oversee a $150 million renovation that would turn the run-down building into a first class property.

Part of the process of renovating the building included rebidding the building's costly service contracts, That meant the mob-controlled garbage enterprise - which was overcharging the skyscraper by $1 million annually - might be out of work.

Bridgwood met with Vincent Ponte, the son of Angelo Ponte, the former head of what once was New York's largest garbage-hauling company. During their meetings, Ponte slipped Bridgwood two envelopes containing $5,000 worth of cash to keep the contract with the skyscraper, and later to see the bids at the last minute so that his firm could undercut them.

Then, the police swooped in. A total of 34 people, 34 companies, and four trade waste associations were indicted as part of the five-year investigation.

"We know the cartel functioned because we infiltrated it," Morgenthau said in a June 1995 press release announcing the indictments. "We attended their meetings. We dealt directly with their leadership. We saw and experienced first-hand how the cartel used its coercive powers and its organized crime connections to ensure that no one would challenge their control. In short, we became an accepted member of the established criminal enterprise."

Interestingly, Morgenthau noted that it "took the Retirement Systems of Alabama to stand up and do the right thing."

Ponte pleaded guilty to accepting $10,000 in bribes, got five years on probation, and now has a job with Ponte Equities. He did not respond to multiple messages. His father, Angelo Ponte, was sentenced to two to six years in state prison.

'It made us a player'

In the end, Harry Bridgwood became who he pretended to be.


Harry Bridgwood

When the investigation wrapped up, Bronner kept the former undercover police officer as the head of 55 Water Street.

In his permanent role, Bridgwood helped attract big name tenants such Standards and Poor's, the NYC Department of Transportation, and communications firm Bowne & Co.

In 2013, the building had a payroll of $2.8 million. Tax records show the building generated a profit of nearly $41 million that year after generating an $80 million profit a year earlier.

Bridgwood received a total compensation of $285,648 two years ago, making him one of 14 employees there that received a six-figure salary, according to the last available tax records.

He was an employee of New Water Street Corp, a non-profit that was created to funnel the building's proceeds to Alabama's pension fund.


But if he were paid as a state employee, Bridgwood would have been the fourth-highest paid Alabama state employee that year, right behind the late RSA senior counsel William Stephens ($314,672), RSA deputy secretary Donald Yancey ($325,000), and Bronner ($562,494), the state's highest-paid employee.

With his ties to Bronner and the RSA's vast business network, Bridgwood expanded his clout in Alabama. He is a board member for Raycom Media, the media conglomerate that the RSA now has a $2.7 billion stake in, and Hope for the Warriors - a veteran's charity whose board treasurer is the Raycom Media CEO.

Bridgwood, who was unavailable for immediate comment, retired from the job in July 2014.

Today, the skyscraper is the jewel of the RSA's eclectic real estate portfolio which includes a number of high-rise office buildings in Mobile and Montgomery.

It all started with a fake persona and the mobbed up skyscraper that the RSA bought on the cheap.

"We're in Alabama, the fifth poorest state in America," Bronner said. "Who cares about Alabama besides you and me and a handful of other people? The point is the world didn't care about us. It made us a player."

Construction Corruption

by 500YearReign » Thu Aug 15, 2019 10:20 am

EYE ON THE NEWS

Construction Corruption

It will take more than one dramatic bust to clean up New York’s mob-plagued building industry.

Steven Malanga
February 14, 2008

Federal and local prosecutors were quick to brand last week’s massive bust of 62 alleged Gambino crime family members, union officials, and construction executives as “historic,” “extraordinary,” and “a milestone toward eradicating” mob influence in New York’s building industry.

But the real message of the indictments is that even after decades of intensive investigation by law enforcement, organized crime remains a powerful force within the city’s construction industry and in related businesses—like trucking—that are particularly susceptible to mob corruption. Even spectacular busts won’t end mob influence unless government presses for reforms that transform the very nature of the construction business—something that politicians have long refused to do.

The construction industry operates like few other businesses today, especially in New York, because of outdated labor practices. In most unionized industries, a firm hires workers who then join the union; in construction, by contrast, labor law permits contracts between builders and unions in which unions effectively have power over hiring. They enlist workers in their organizations first and then send them out on jobs.

Mobsters have used control of hiring to dominate construction in New York. “Wise guys” can place friends or “associates” in key positions, sending them to oversee construction sites, where they shake down contractors and enforce mob discipline among union members. And they can demand payoffs from people trying to get into the business, providing a lucrative source of cash. Indeed, last week’s indictment contained a number of counts charging that Gambino associates accepted bribes so that “unqualified” individuals could gain union cards.

Control of hiring also gives mob-connected union bosses access to pension and health benefits funds, which they regularly fleece. The latest indictments, for instance, charge Gambino associates with underreporting the hours worked by some Teamsters’ union members who drive trucks that service construction sites, and pocketing money that was supposed to fund benefits and pensions. Such schemes are a reminder that mobbed-up construction unions haven’t represented their workers’ best interests.

New York State’s laws and policies add to the industry’s problems by snuffing out competition. The state decrees that on all public construction projects—representing a huge chunk of the industry’s revenue pie—government must pay even nonunionized workers a “prevailing” wage that in most cases is equal to the highest union worker’s wage. The law sharply reduces the ability of non-union contractors to get government work, since they lose any pricing advantage that lower wages would give them. Thus, many don’t even bother to bid on government contracts, which the construction unions inevitable win. That’s the kind of monopoly that mobsters love. One of the rare circumstances when the “prevailing wage” doesn’t prevail on public jobs in New York State is when mobbed-up unions solicit bribes from contractors so that they can use nonunion workers. The mob, in other words, plays both sides of the fence.

The state’s Wicks Law further aids the wise guys by requiring government to carve up public construction projects into at least four separate bidding packages, multiplying the number of contractors and subcontractors involved in any project and adding layers of complexity that encourage fraud, bribery, and bid rigging. For decades, organized crime experts have urged the state to repeal or modify the law because it’s so hard for local officials to police. But the unions’ political allies in the state legislature have refused to do so—the unions love the bureaucracy, inefficiency, and extra work (and workers) that Wicks requires. Governor Eliot Spitzer is the latest to propose amending Wicks, but his reform efforts are stuck in the state legislature.

Using control of construction unions as leverage, the mob has also extended its tendrils to the many contractors and subcontractors that do business in New York, effectively creating cartels that reduce legitimate competition and drive up prices. Over the years, mob-owned or controlled companies in the city have monopolized everything from supplying concrete for construction projects to contracts for painting and drywall installation. The price of this mob control—what prosecutors last week branded the “corrosive influence” of organized crime on the construction industry—adds hundreds of millions of dollars to the cost of building in the city. In one infamous and representative case from the early 1980s, New York State was overcharged some $12 million for the concrete used to build the Jacob Javits Convention Center because a mob cartel led by Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno controlled the business, and no legitimate firms would bid against it.

The current state of the local construction industry contrasts unfavorably with the city’s carting industry, in which the mob’s influence was dramatically suppressed in the 1990s by aggressive prosecutions and structural reforms. Prompted by threats against a major national competitor, BFI, that tried to pry its way into New York, local authorities began a vigorous investigation of the carting industry and followed up successful indictments and prosecutions by seizing mobbed-up companies and urging landlords to do business with BFI and other “clean” shops. The city, meanwhile, set up a commission to investigate and oversee new companies entering the industry. The eventual result: a significant decline in carting prices for local businesses and an end to mob violence that had plagued the industry for years.

In the aftermath of these moves, then-Mayor Rudolph Giuliani proposed a similar commission to oversee the construction industry. But the Giuliani-led effort died in the face of fierce opposition from the industry and its city council friends, who complained that a commission would make the construction business too bureaucratic and cumbersome. Not surprisingly, neither the industry nor its political friends proposed any alternate solutions to the problem, leaving the status quo unchanged—and that was just fine with the mob.

Even as prosecutors make strides with indictments against members of the so-called five Mafia families in New York, investigators warn that new groups representing Asian and Eastern European mobsters are making headway in labor racketeering in New York City. Without better oversight and structural changes to the construction industry, a new generation of mobsters lies waiting to take over.

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